* Hundreds of peace activists on route to Bethlehem via Tel Aviv airport. (Al Quds)
* On the anniversary of Deir Yassin massacre, the Arab League reasserts its full support to the Palestinian people`s right for self determination and establishment of their independent state. (Al Quds)
* The Israeli army launches arrest campaign in Jenin, Ya`bad and Hebron district. (Al Quds)
* Al-Ahamd rejects al-Bardaweil`s statements regarding postponing the election. Hamas has not responded to the president request to activate the Reelection Committee in Gaza. (Al Quds)
* One youth injured due to shooting by the army in Gaza and an incursion by military vehicles east of Khan Yunis . (Al Quds)
* An Egyptian parliamentary committee ratifies a proposal that could ban Suleiman`s candidacy. (Al-Quds
* Partial closure of “al-Karameh” bridge on Thursday. (Al-Quds)
* Omar Suleiman strongly attacks the Muslim Brotherhood and accuses them of threatening to kill him. (Al-Quds)
* Poll: Mousa is the front runner in the Egyptian presidential election and Abu Ismail comes second. (Al-Quds)
* A fierce argument between Palestinians over visiting Jerusalem: the supporters consider it reinforcement to the Arabism character of the city and the objectors consider it as normalization. (Al-Quds)
* 35 people, the majority are children and women, killed by the fire of Syrian forces in Hamah suburbs. (Al-Quds)
* The president will visit Japan next Thursday. (Al-Quds)
* A-Shater threatens “to take the streets” to “prevent stealing the revolution”. Egypt: conflict between the army and the Muslim Brotherhood over presidency intensifies, and the parliament is working for obstructing Suleiman`s candidacy. (Al-Quds)
* al-Barade`i will found a new party in Egypt. (Al Ayyam)
* 14th attack against the Egyptian gas pipeline in Sinai. (Al Ayyam)
* In any future confrontation with Hamas and Hezbollah, the Israeli army: we should carry out a broad ground invasion. (Al Ayyam)
* The president arrives in Amman on route to Japan. (Al Hayat Al Jadida)
* The president checks the ministry of foreign affairs and welcomes a resolution by the Arab Ministers of Councils for Youths and Sport. (Al Hayat Al Jadida)
* Abed Rabbo: no decision so far on the meeting of the Palestinian delegation with Netanyahu. (Al Hayat Al Jadida)
* While participating in a weekly protest: Deportee a-Shalabi thanks the president for his care about her case and following it up. (Al Hayat Al Jadida)
* Fayyad praises the integration between the private sector and the universities to supply the needed competences to the markets. (Al Hayat Al Jadida)

Al-Quds: 1) Deir Yassin- citizens and peace activists carrying billboards with the martyrs` name during a march in the streets of the village in commemoration of Deir Yassin massacre; 2) New Delhi- Qatar prince sheikh Hamad Ben Khalifah taking a picture with his iPhone during signing ceremony of agreements with the Indian prime minister.  
Al-Ayyam:  1) Khayrat a-Shater speaking during a press conference in Cairo; 2) a scene of massive destruction by Assad`s forces in the Old City of Homs; 3) Israeli cars in the Islamic cemetery in Askalan.
Al-Hayat Al-Jadida:  1) The president while checking the ministry of foreign affairs in Ramallah yesterday; 2) deportee Hana` a-Shalabi while participating in a protest of the prisoners` families; 3) Fayyad during inauguration of an exhibition in Birzeit University.

**Ghassan Daghlas, official in charge of settlements file in the northern West Bank on settlement expansions in the Yitzhar settlement
Q: Are you following the land leveling around Yitzhar?
Yes, for the past 24 hours there has been land leveling in the Yitzhar settlement. Recently there has been an increase in the number of settler attacks on citizens and their properties in this area; so far 25 dunams of land have been leveled at the entrance to the settlement, which is near the home of Ayman Sultan, which is constantly under attack from settlers.  Until this moment, land leveling is underway.  Right now there is a heavy army presence along the main road near Deir Sharaf and Burqa in preparation for a large march for the settlers; they are closing off the main road right now.

**Mohammed Ellayan, on the activities planned for commemorating Al Nakba
Q:What are the most major activities this year?
Yesterday, we had a meeting of 45 people representing all the “return committees” in the West Bank in the various districts to discuss activities for commemorating the 64th anniversary of the Nakba and how we can make them the most successful. We focused on educational activities that would address the culture of return among younger generations and how to recruit the largest number of people possible to participate in the activities.

Q: Are there any central activities that were decided on in the meeting?
There will be a central activity in each district – this includes Gaza as well as the West Bank. There are also ongoing meetings in Lebanon, Jordan and in European cities. We are coordinating activities for inside Palestine and abroad so all the activities are unified and comprehensive. Of course, there will be a central activity in Ramallah and there might be events along the wall and at flashpoints. We want there to be a variety of events so everyone can participate.

**Director of “Sports for all” at the higher council for youth and sports, Jawad Awadallah, on the Palestinian marathon
Q: The Jerusalem marathon is on May 15. How long is it?
Let me say that this marathon one method for supporting Jerusalem politically, religiously and economically. The marathon will also convey some serious messages: Areas A under the Palestinian Authority are not large enough for a legal marathon, which is 42 kilometers, to take place. The world needs to know that the area under the PA are not even big enough for a legal marathon. But this does not stop us from organizing events, including marathons to address the world in this civilized manner, which most people can understand.

Q: Why can’t the marathon move outside of Areas A; that is break the barriers and go through Areas B and C as well?
You know that when we have a marathon we also must provide the components of safety and security, which includes Palestinian police who will monitor traffic, medical teams, observers, etc. We do not want to break barriers but we do want to convey a message to the world about these barriers and checkpoints and the wall through this marathon. The marathon comes in tandem with the commemoration of the Nakba, which provides a very suitable atmosphere for us.

Q: Will there be a declared position on Adidas?
I think Jibril Rjoub made this clear as did the Arab ministerial decision which was taking a clear position against Adidas’ sponsorship of the Israeli Jerusalem marathon.

**PLO Executive Committee member Saeb Erekat, on the upcoming meeting with Israeli premier Benjamin Netanyahu
Q: Concerning the meeting with Netanyahu, has a specific date and place been set?
Not yet, we are waiting for a phone call from them giving us a final date.

Q: How is the leadership planning to deal with the Israeli demands of recognizing Israel as a Jewish state?
No meeting has been held yet so no letters have been exchanged so it doesn’t make sense to sit down and discuss something that was in press about letters and dates. When the letters are sent, then we can discuss them. Our letter is not a goal in itself but a stone thrown into Israel’s still waters just to shake things up a bit. We want to remind them that there are agreements signed between us.

Q: Haven’t the visits from the US and Russian envoys to the region “shaken” anything up in these still Israeli waters you are talking about?
These meetings are leading up to the meeting tomorrow in Washington of the Quartet Committee. In these meetings, President Abbas reaffirmed that it is time for the Quartet to break the pattern of its involvement and work and not to just call for a return to negotiations. We are not against resuming negotiations; the moment Israel halts settlements including in Jerusalem and agrees to a state along the 1967 borders and release prisoners, namely those imprisoned before 1994, then we will return. These are not Palestinian demands, they are in the agreements signed. The world needs to see that the Israelis are the party responsible for the deterioration of the peace process.

Q: What contacts are ongoing with Arab and other parties to solve the financial crisis?
The President is doing all he can in this respect and so is the prime minister. We hope we can overcome this problem but I admit the problem is very real and it is difficult.

Q: Do you think Israel will escalate the situation after the letters are exchanged?
I can’t predict what might happen but the Palestinians’ position is linked to one thing: Palestinian independence and ending the occupation. It is linked to solving final status issues, namely the refugees and prisoners.

**Fatah central committee member Jibril Rjoub, on Hamas’ recent statements on forming the national unity government and the “Israeli veto” that is holding it back
We hope that this ridiculous “symphony” will stop; I think it is time that this position is reconsidered. Fatah has proven that we are not subjected to Israeli or American vetoes. We have free political will and we made the reconciliation decision with a conviction that this was in national and movement interests in light of the critical situation the Palestinians are living in today.  I would like to reassure Hamas that Fatah does not only react to things and will continue to deal morally and with respect and insist on using the logic of discussion to achieve reconciliation. As for the government, I think we all know what prevented the implementation of the Doha Agreement. Everyone knows who threw a fit to foil this agreement.
Still, I would like to confirm something: the reconciliation, through dialogue is still the path to our unity and partnership and a political program with unified national concepts. Also, we in the government are still committed to the Doha agreement in spirit and letter. I would just like to say that anyone seeking to consolidate and deepen this split is a traitor. So is anyone who thinks the split will reap personal or factional benefits. I have met with some Hamas leaders such as Khaled Meshaal and Mousa Abu Marzouq and I felt they had a very positive outlook for the reconciliation and I hope this will translate into actions, first and foremost the formation of a unity government.

**Arab MK Afou, Ghbariyeh on Israeli authorities setting up a marketplace near a Muslim cemetery which they changed into a parking lot for shops
Q: What do you think of this new development?
The consecutive Israeli governments, and especially this right wing one gives the green light for anyone who wants to desecrate these sites; they want to wipe out any traces of Palestinian existence. The [Ashkelon] authorities, a city built on the ruins of the Palestinian cities of Askalan and Majdal have always used these lands and holy sites for their own use; they have never given any Arab or Muslim party the chance to renovate these sites. When the municipality announced it would establish a marketplace and parking lot there, it was clear they just wanted to hide any Palestinian landmarks from this city.
We made inquiries at the Knesset and we now need organizations inside and outside the country to protest this move.

The third Intifada and a revolution against Fatah and Hamas
By Ahmad Jamil Azem

Senior Hamas leader Ahmad Yousef said – as quoted in Al Ghad last Sunday – that “the Palestinian people have had enough and will no longer remain silent.” He said he did not rule out a popular movement “along four tracks”: A revolution in the face of President Abbas; a revolution in the face of Hamas; a revolution against Fatah and Hamas together; and a widespread popular Intifada in the face of the occupation. But perhaps there are even more likely scenarios that could take place.

There are various reasons that minimize the chances of an Intifada against Fatah and Hamas, one of which is the split. That is, protesting against one movement would look like a victory for the other. There is a general perception that those who criticize Hamas are necessarily Fatah-affiliated and vice versa. That is why there are many who are hesitant to show allegiance to either side. As for an Intifada against both of them, what minimizes the chances of this happening is the strong popular platform still enjoyed by both parties, who defend them to the bone. It is difficult to imagine a situation where they would go from this kind of loyalty to complete opposition even if the people are angry at this or that point.  Add to this that each side will try to portray what is happening as being against the other. There is also the fact that the two factions have turned into ruling parties with loyal security services linked to them and employees that get salaries from them and so are personally involved. In short, it can be said that conditions are not yet ripe for this option.

However, a scenario of “pulling the rug from under their feet” is possible whereby the state of factional “conscientiousness” broadens and many activists move away from the factions and turn to local popular action in groups in cities, villages and camps instead.  Eventually, these groups will gain enough presence on the ground that they will be able to impose agendas of popular action. The factions will turn into observers of these pioneer youths, which means a gradual “pulling of the rug” from beneath the feet of the factions. Perhaps a double Intifada (against the two factions) will take place later; or it may not even be necessary because of their gradual replacement with these new frameworks.

As for a third Intifada, there is even a stronger scenario. Youth resistance activist Fadi Quraan said in mid-2011 that he did not expect a repetition of the Intifada in the same form of the 1987 and 2000 ones. Instead, he expected development of the protest movement based on events and protests in gatherings distributed throughout the West Bank, Gaza Strip, 1948 Palestine and even refugee camps in the diaspora, coupled with solidarity campaigns and boycotts. However, he said it would not be a comprehensive and ongoing Intifada but would come in successive and harmonious waves.

Perhaps what backs Quraan’s vision are, among other things, questions about the extent to which there is a cohesive political leadership that could transform the energies and struggles of the people into political achievements and which has the ability to unite the people and determine tools of resistance. Add to this the overall sense of the lack of any future for the two-state solution and an increasing focus on the unity of popular movement in historical Palestine, these all create new perspectives for popular movement .

The aforementioned youth groups behave according to the mentality of consecutive campaigns and short term goals, which accumulate over time to achieve bigger goals. This is in addition to the fact that the two major factions are opposed to the idea of an Intifada. In the West Bank, coming into contact or friction with the Israelis is prevented. Even popular resistance is confined to Areas C where there are no PA security forces.  And despite the difference in the situation in Gaza, the Jerusalem march last month proved that Hamas’ forces in Gaza also try to prevent the Palestinians from reaching Israeli barriers on the Strip’s peripheries, not to mention their interest in maintaining the calm. Hence, the idea of resistance through consecutive and balanced campaigns that reaches the point of civil disobedience could be a scenario much different from an Intifada.

Still, this scenario does not cancel out the possibility of an Intifada: the popular revolutions usually break out at a specific historical moment and because of accumulated pressures and a sudden spark that ignites it all. (http://www.alghad.com/index.php/afkar_wamawaqef2/article/29069/%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%A7%D8%B6%D9%87-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AB%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AB%D9%87-%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AB%D9%88%D8%B1%D9%87-%D8%B6%D8%AF-%D9%81%D8%AA%D8%AD-%D9%88%D8%AD%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%B3.html)


The politics of Palestine
by James J. Zogby


It may still be possible to imagine a just political resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But in the real world, politics is not the work of our imagination. Rather, it is about power, those who have it and how they use it. Politics, at the end of the day, is not about our hopes or beliefs being just, it is about what we can get with the power we have and are willing and able to use.

It is sad that many of those with power have done everything possible to effectively block a just resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. To date, their efforts have succeeded, resulting in a deeply deformed situation in Israel, in Washington, and in the occupied Palestinian lands.

In Israel, hardliners have won the day. Decades of illegal settlement and “Jewish-only” road construction, the erection of an oppressive barrier wall/fence, land confiscation, demolition of Palestinian houses, and the free reign that has been given to a radical fringe, allowing it to seize land to build and expand “outposts” deep in Palestinian areas — all combined to profoundly distort the map of the West Bank.

Just this month, the Israeli government flaunted its legal system, refusing to close down an illegal “outpost” built on Palestinian-owned land. And even when it did evacuate a house in Hebron that had been seized by extremist settlers in an act of provocation, the prime minister sought to inoculate himself against criticism by announcing that he would begin construction of hundreds of new housing units between Bethlehem and Jerusalem — two cities that had once had a synergistic relationship, but have now been effectively severed one from another.

Add to this the recent report that appeared in the Israeli daily Haaretz, revealing that Israel’s civil administration has been “secretly setting aside” an additional 10 per cent of the West Bank for settlement expansion, and it becomes increasingly difficult to even imagine how and where one would establish a Palestinian state.

It is not just the current hardline Israeli government that is at fault, since all these policies have been at work without interruption for the past 45 years. And there is no hope for change in sight. Polls show that in any future election, Israeli voters would vote in a government that would pursue the same policies, if not worse.

While Arabs have long imagined that this sorry state of affairs could be arrested “if only America or the ‘international community’ would act to restrain Israel”, reality has been sobering. Hope, for example, had been placed in US President Barack Obama’s early commitment to find a solution to the conflict, but these hopes have been dashed. Seeing the US president “schooled” by the Israeli prime minister and then watching the US Congress embrace Netanyahu, humiliating its own president, was a shocking eye-opener.

With the White House tamed and, at least for the foreseeable future, out of the game of peace making, the politics of Washington has turned to other issues like the economy, Iran and November elections. And in this mix, Palestinians and their rights do not register even a blip on the nation’s radar screen.

Equally disappointing have been Palestinian efforts to turn to the United Nations. Here, the strong arm of the US (prodded by Israel and its US supporters) effectively blocked initiatives to have Palestinian rights recognised or to stop Israeli violations of these rights.

Over the past 45 years, this state of affairs has taken a substantial toll on the Palestinians. With the Oslo process, two and one-half decades of a brutal occupation only gave way to an equally harsh reality. During the pre-Oslo occupation, the major sources of Palestinian wealth were poorly paid, humiliating day-labour jobs in Israel, and producing commodities for sale through Israeli middlemen. Now these are gone, leaving the Palestinian economy largely dependent on foreign aid.

Palestinians live in an apartheid-like system, trapped in isolated cantons surrounded by barriers to commerce and travel, increasingly squeezed by ever-growing settlements and encroaching roads that now cut the West Bank into pieces. The Palestinian metropolis of Jerusalem, once their centre of cultural, social and economic life, has been severed from the West Bank. And Gaza, always destitute (it is one of the most densely populated, poorest places on earth), has become strangled by a blockade, its people despairing.

All this has had an impact on the Palestinians, leaving their economy dependent on various external sources and their leadership divided, lacking imagination. As is frequently the case, one further consequence of long-term humiliating oppression has been inward-turning violence and other forms of aberrant and sometimes self-destructive behaviour.

Efforts to correct this situation have so far been frustrated by some Palestinians who did not want to cede what little power they had or outsiders who used their financial or political hold to squash moves towards Palestinian unity and efforts to mobilise a national non-violent resistance movement.

In the face of power so ruthlessly and irresponsibly exercised to extinguish hope for change, there are still those who not only continue to imagine a just peace but are organising to achieve it. They differ on tactics and even on goals.

Some advocate boycotts, divestment and sanctions, others promote non-violent direct action in the occupied lands or organising politically to change Washington. Some actively support two states; others are advocating a democratic one-state solution. They are united in a refusal to accept the current state of affairs, be it the oppressive system that has been imposed on the occupied lands, the dysfunctional politics of Washington, or the interference and crippling paralysis that has stymied Palestinian action. They imagine a just solution, and know that it will only be achieved if they organise to secure the power that will be required to make change real. They need to make what they imagine real. (http://jordantimes.com/the-politics-of-palestine)

Neglect of Jerusalem suburbs within the framework of the policy of expulsion
Al Quds editorial
The Israeli central court is to look into a complaint submitted against the Jerusalem Municipality and its mayor on June 26 regarding the serious neglect and lack of sanitation services in a number of Jerusalem suburbs. This has forced many to burn their garbage so the problem would not be compounded and pollution and health hazards will not increase in their areas. This is a fact that no one can ignore or deny; it seems that the municipality’s shortcomings are clearly intentional given that the Palestinian Authority cannot intervene in any way in these areas.

These suburbs are all located outside the racist separation wall, such as Kufr Aqab, Samiramis and Qalandiya to the north and Dahiet Al Salam, Anata and most recently, Shufat refugee camp to the east. It is well known and officially acknowledged by Israeli parties that services – even in east Jerusalem – are much less than those provided by neighborhoods in the western sector of the city or settlements around Jerusalem. Furthermore, the budgets allocated for these [Jewish] areas are much higher than those allocated to Palestinian Jerusalem.

In the Jerusalem suburbs, the issue is not only about garbage collection but all aspects of the infrastructure, construction, sanitation services among others. The reason for this is clear: it is because they are planning to separate these areas outside the wall from the borders they designated for Jerusalem, all within a framework of expulsion and minimizing the number of Palestinians in the city. This way there can always be an overwhelming majority of Jews. In the same context, Israel plans to attract as many Jews to the city and build as many settlements as possible.

As for the taxes and financial dues to the municipality, Israel deals very seriously with the Palestinians of these areas and immediately cancels their IDs if they are late in paying these dues all while they leave the garbage to pile up and offer almost zero health or social services to its residents.

We highly doubt that the court will rule favorably and make decisions binding the municipality and its mayor. This is because the general policy and strategy is much larger than this. Still, it is important that we follow up in court and in all official and legal circles to bring some kind of fairness for these areas. It is important that we join forces to achieve our demands or at least to further expose this policy. (Al Quds)