Good Governance Monitoring Report – Issue no. 1

 

 

 

Forty Days of Strike: Impact on Palestinian Public Life

 

This article is a summary of a report prepared by the Birzeit University Center for Continuing Education (Public Administration and Civil Service Reform Programme) examining the  perceptions of public sector employees and Palestinian citizens regarding the extent of, and motivations for, the strike and its impact on civilian (not security) services.   The report was based on evidence gathered during the first two weeks of October 2006 through a total of 65 in-depth interviews with senior figures working in the public and private sectors and ordinary citizens residing in various locations across the West Bank and Gaza Strip

 

Background

The Union of Public Sector Employees (UPSE) called for a one-day strike on August 23, 2006 as a protest against the government failure to pay public sector employees’ salaries. On August 28, 2006, the UPSE called for a further, open-ended strike, which commenced on September 2, 2006 and continues to this day.  Since calling for the open-ended strike the UPSE has issued eight statements stressing the need for continuation of, and commitment to, the strike.  However, the UPSE has also granted certain exemptions in order to lessen some of the negative social and economic impacts of the strike.

 

Motivations for strike action

Initially, the non-payment of salaries and a general desire (particularly in the West Bank) to see the HAMAS government soften some of its positions in order to ease the international community’s boycott of the PNA were the driving forces behind the strike.  However, over time, attitudes to the strike amongst both civil servants and citizens appear to be changing and becoming more complex and confused.    Some interviewees (incl. public sector employees, private sector representatives and citizens) suggested that the strike is politically-motivated, orchestrated by FATEH to pressurize and undermine the HAMAS Cabinet.  Others linked the motivations for the strike with personal agendas of some civil servants who are concerned about losing positions they received in previous governments, or being marginalized by new Ministers.  

 

Extent of the strike

According to interviews with senior officials working in public sector organizations, employees’ compliance with the strike is more comprehensive in the West Bank than the Gaza Strip[1], making the effect of the strike significantly more noticeable in the former than the latter.  It should be noted here that it is not possible to report the exact number or percentage of employees on strike in either the West Bank or Gaza Strip due to the unavailability of official data.

 

Ministry of Education & Higher Education

Although attendance at Gaza schools was reduced during the first week of the strike, partly due to pressure from parents on teachers and administrators to reopen schools, it is now “business as usual”.  In the West Bank, however, interviews indicated that less than 50% of teachers and students go to school[2]; some schools are completely closed and others are partially open.  Partial opening of schools in the West Bank is attributable to two main factors: some teachers do not support strike action and are continuing to teach classes; and, some local communities are securing resources to pay teachers.

 

Ministry of Health

According to senior officials’ estimates, attendance at the central Ministry of Health (MoH) in the Gaza Strip exceeds 80%, and staff attendance at public hospitals exceeds 90%.  In the West Bank, senior officials estimate that attendance at the MoH is approximately 10%. Attendance at public hospitals is higher at approximately 40% due to staff reporting for work at emergency rooms, operating theaters and intensive care units. As a result of the reduced attendance, officials estimate that the number of cases receiving medical attention at public hospitals has declined to approx. 10% of pre-strike levels.

 

Ministry of Social Affairs

At the Ministry of Social Affairs (MoSA), the situation is the reverse of that observed in the health and education sectors. In the Gaza Strip, staff attendance is reportedly less than 10% and is largely limited to senior staff attending to urgent matters. In the West Bank, attendance in the Ramallah headquarters is apparently more than 50%; though this declines to approximately 10% in the regional branches.  This deviation from the normal pattern may be due to the fact that the MoSA in Gaza has historically been led by senior officials more loyal to FATEH than is typically the case.

 

Ministry of Interior

The Ministry of Interior in Gaza has not been affected by the strike as staff attendance is reportedly very high.  Attendance in the West Bank, however, has been severely affected by the strike and there are widespread complaints from citizens regarding the lack of official documentation services.  The Ministry was completely closed until early October when the UPSE approved partial reopening of the Ministry two days per week to allow citizens to receive certain services.

 

The impact of the strike; the impact of the boycott

According to many interviewees, the impact of the strike on Palestinian public life cannot be neatly separated from the impact of the financial boycott imposed on the PNA in April 2006.  The effects of the strike have been reflected in declining services and touched all aspects of political, social, and economic life.  The strike has also affected all population segments, but it was mostly felt by the poor who can not afford substituting the services provided by the government (especially heath and education) for similar services provided by the private sector.  As a result, many families who have faced emergency health conditions during the period of the strike have reportedly resorted to debt from family or friends to secure needed money for emergency health care in the private sector hospitals.

 

Education Sector

There was a consensus among the interviewees that the strike is having a severe impact in the education sector in the West Bank, with all public schools subject to complete or partial closure.  In addition to the present interruption of children’s education, there are grave concerns regarding the long-term effects on teachers, the students and their families.  In particular, interviewees pointed to a loss of faith in the whole public school system and, with private schools remaining open, a widening gap between “rich and poor”.

 

While teachers stated that it is still be possible to make up for lost classroom time if the strike ends soon, they expressed concern regarding their future ability to deal with negative attitudes and behaviors acquired by students during the strike (e.g., loss of faith in, and respect for teachers, and hence loss of classroom control).  According to both teachers and parents, the strike has already led to some worrying developments in the behaviour of students.

 

Teachers are also experiencing professional and personal problems as a result of the strike.  In addition to deteriorating relationships with students and parents in their communities, teachers find themselves in direct conflict with their colleagues due to disagreements over the validity of the strike.  Even those teachers who are still attending school find that personal concerns about the current situation and the future are having a negative impact on their professional performance. Also, fearing increasing job insecurity, some teachers have already started looking for other jobs, sometimes overseas.

 

Health sector

The impact of the decline in public health services in both the West Bank and Gaza is being offset by increased service provision by UNRWA, NGOs and, for those that can afford to pay for treatment, the private sector.  For example, UNRWA is now providing vaccination services to non-refugees and both NGOs and private healthcare facilities have reported increases in the number of cases treated.  Consequently, the effect of the strike is more pronounced in districts, like Jericho, where there are limited number of NGO/private facilities.

 

Overall, interviewees cited the following primary impacts of the strike:

·        contagious disease which were previously under control may spread again due to a decline in vaccinations;

·        to the extent that certain medical supplies are available (despite the international boycott) lack of therapy may threaten the lives of patients with chronic diseases; and,

·        friction between public health workers and citizens and loss of confidence in the public health system generally – there are already reports of fights breaking out between medics and citizens and guilt-related psychological problems amongst health workers.

 

Private sector

The strike has brought the provision of public services to the private sector to a virtual standstill.  Interviews with private sector companies (including banks) and employees, revealed the following recurring themes regarding concerns related to ongoing strike action combined with the financial boycott:

·        new companies are unable to register and open bank accounts;

·        reduced control over quantity and quality of goods entering the territories resulting in an increase in tax evasion and public health risks;

·        reduced real estate mortgage lending and car loans as borrowers are unable to produce official title documents (i.e., proof of legal ownership); and,

·        increased incidence of mortgage and loan defaults (especially amongst public sector workers).

 

Interviewees claimed long-term, negative consequences for the private sector are already beginning to emerge:

·        foreign/diaspora investors in the local economy are “giving up on Palestine” and have started looking elsewhere to invest; and,

·        profitability of key local companies’ profits has dropped significantly.

 

Public administration and civil service

Many interviewees expressed concerns about the long-term impact of the strike on the Palestinian public administration and civil service in general, highlighting the following:

·        civil servants, citizens and business people are losing confidence in the long-term viability of the public sector and there are early signs of people turning to the Israeli civil administration to try to solve public service problems (e.g., private companies are approaching the Israeli civil administration to provide import/export permits);

·        there are cases of households, officially registered as refugees, who were previously accessing PNA health and educational services but have turned back to UNRWA;

·        civil servants, concerned more than ever about job security, are considering alternative careers and, given the thin domestic labour market, are looking overseas;

·        increasing friction amongst civil servants, and between civil servants and citizens, due to differing opinions of the legitimacy of the strike and the gravity of its impact on the community;

·        increasing friction between civil servants not receiving salaries and those who are receiving payments via donor-funded projects or posts;

·        further loosening of institutional and organizational discipline in the PNA due, inter alia, to loss of respect for senior managers and loss of loyalty to the employing organizations in general;

·        reversals of previous policy and administrative decisions based on sentiment, not evidence, leading to confusion and chaos.

 

Palestinian opposition to the strike

Many Palestinian individuals and organizations have warned against continued strike action. Prominent individuals and civil society organizations have issued a series of statements calling for exempting vital public service facilities from the strike due to the serious threats it poses to the loss of human and social capital.

 

In response to the many calls by human rights, health, and education organizations, as well as by several groups, academics and activists to end or limit strike action, the UPSE approved some exemptions in the Ministry of Interior, postal services, and recently vehicle licensing services.  The union also responded to the President’s call to allow the first instance court in Nablus to open on September 9, 2006 in order to deal with urgent cases.

 

Also, the strike of Jerusalem schools ended on the 7th of October 2006, after the parents’ union agreed to contribute symbolic financial support to the teachers.  The schools are now open, and most of the students who moved to the Israeli municipal schools have returned.

 

Conclusions

This qualitative survey of Palestinian perceptions indicates that the strike of public employees is adding to the socio-economic crisis precipitated by the financial boycott imposed on the PNA by the international community and the Government of Israel.  There is grave skepticism regarding the likelihood that the strike will bring about an end to, or relaxation of, the boycott.

 

The economic distress arising from the financial boycott coupled with the social and psychological impact of loss of basic education and health services appears to be driving a rapid breakdown in public service delivery which may have long-term implications for Palestinian society and its institutions. 

 

The socio-economic impact of the strike is being felt most acutely amongst the poorer members of society in the West Bank (Gaza being largely sheltered by a combination of limited compliance with the strike and the continued provision UNRWA services to the refugee majority) and, given the perception that FATEH is orchestrating the strike for political reasons, the strike may have lasting, negative political implications for the main secular movement in Palestinian politics.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Published by Good Governance Initiative - 2006

 

 


[1] Commitment to the strike in the Gaza Strip reduced rapidly after the first week.

 

[2] MoEHE does not collect data on school attendance at the West Bank and Gaza Strip following a decision by the Minister in mid-September 2006.  This was apparently due to concerns over politically-motivated bias in data submitted by schools.


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