February 14, 2001 - VOL 7 NO 34

Table of contents

Front Lines from the desk of our publisher, Ghassan Khatib
 
Preparing for post-Sharon

ARIEL SHARON'S election as Israeli prime minister has been examined pessimistically - as an indicator of Israel's extremism and move to the right - and positively, as a development that will ultimately prove bankrupt Israel's ultra-right wing.

But the best way to analyze Israel's election of Sharon is to put it in a historical context. Only 18 months ago and by an overwhelming majority, Israelis elected Ehud Barak, who (in the perception of the Israeli public) is completely different from Sharon.

An in-depth analysis of changes in Israeli public opinion over the last 10 years of the peace process show clear trends of improvement. Here, "improvement" is defined as a move towards positions of international legality. Ten years ago, when the peace process began, then-Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Shamir responded to American peace process initiatives by laying down specific limits that were understood and supported by the Israeli majority. These included not talking directly to the Palestine Liberation Organization and not negotiating on issues such as Jerusalem and the Palestinian refugees.

But this position failed to achieve Israel's strategic objectives in the peace process, i.e., peace and security. That fact, as well as internal Israeli public debate between each other and between Jews and Arabs, led to further positive developments in Israeli public opinion. On this basis, Israelis elected a new Labor government headed by Yitzhak Rabin. That improvement allowed Israel to negotiate with the PLO and to include the issues of Jerusalem, refugees, settlements and borders on the agenda in final status negotiations, which were to begin five years after the signing of the 1993 Oslo accords.

That period was followed by a setback in Israeli public opinion, during which Benjamin Netanyahu was elected. Israelis thought that despite progress and breakthroughs, their ultimate objectives had not been achieved. The increase in violence immediately before the elections played a role in this.

But it was not long before the Israeli public realized that, although it had "punished" Palestinians and the peace camp by electing Netanyahu, its vote had caused a significant setback in the Israeli search for peace and security. There were many disadvantages to electing Netanyahu, Israelis found, such as international isolation and slow economic growth.

And so a new phase began, one of a new Labor government, a left-wing and center-left marriage headed by Ehud Barak. Israeli public opinion was then mature enough to absorb advanced political negotiating positions, not just those it was willing to take during Netanyahu's era, but positions even more mature than those held during Rabin's government.

That level of public opinion maturity allowed for progress in the negotiations and brought the parties nearer to an agreement. The Israeli public and leadership moved closer to the positions required by international law relevant to the peace process and embodied within the peace process terms of reference. For example, the idea of Jerusalem as the "eternal unified Israeli capital" was shaken and abandoned and the principle of dismantling settlements was accepted. The Israeli government and public realized that the 1967 borders must be the starting point for future borders between the two sides. The idea of Palestinian statehood seemed also to be accepted.

That wasn't good enough to allow for an agreement, which will only be possible when both sides abide by the peace process terms of reference and accept United Nations Security Council Resolution 242. Therefore, in spite of the progress and changes in Israeli public opinion, the final agreement could not happen. And because for the first time, the negotiations were on very substantive issues, there were confrontations. These came as a shock to the Israeli people, who felt disappointed that, in spite of the change in Israeli public opinion and Israeli negotiating positions, the agreement wasn't possible. This brought Sharon and another setback in general Israeli public opinion trends.

If this analysis is correct, then Palestinians should work for two things: one, shortening the period of Sharon's government and isolating it as much as possible and two, preparing the ground for the post-Sharon era through serious internal Israeli public debate and Israeli-Palestinian dialogue on various levels. These steps can be expected to bring about another Israeli government and further improvement in Israeli public opinion - both of which should be mature enough to allow for an agreement that will ensure a complete end to the Israeli occupation. -Published 14/2/01 (c)Palestine Report

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Seven Days
 
Temperature rises with death toll

by Charmaine Seitz

EARLY THIS morning, an Egged bus reportedly driven by Palestinian Khalil Adwa Irbi rammed into an Israeli bus stop outside of Holon near Tel Aviv. Nine Israelis were killed and 20 injured. The operation was claimed in a message to Al Jazeera Satellite Channel by "Students of the Engineer," a previously unknown group. Hamas' Izzadin Qassam brigades also called an Israeli radio station claiming responsibility for the attack. The operation is believed to be in retaliation for Israel's assassination yesterday of a Fateh security officer.

Ariel Sharon has been elected prime minister of Israel and already the temperature is rising. Since the February 6 Israeli elections, there has been a rapid escalation in Israeli and Palestinian attacks.

On February 11, for the first time in weeks, Israeli machine gunfire hailed the town of Bethlehem. Palestinian gunmen had shot and killed an Israeli settler as he drove nearby. For more than an hour, the Israeli tanks and guns fired into Bethlehem's residential areas, unsuccessfully seeking out the Palestinian shooters from the Palestinian homes. The townspeople sat in the dark, listening for ambulances and waiting for the battle to end.

"Sharon's success [in the elections] has introduced a program of escalation and a large gap between his and our positions," said Abbas Zaki, a leader of Fateh, Palestinian President Yasser Arafat's faction. "In light of this escalation, silence means acceptance. If we say no to the Intifada, it means that we accept the new Israeli realities. We have no other choice but to continue our uprising."

On the morning of February 12, Israel shot and killed two Palestinian men - one taxi driver passing a checkpoint just north of Ramallah and another sitting on a bus on his way to work. Neither was involved in clashes. That night fierce fighting broke out in Khan Younis in Gaza, in which 95 Palestinians were injured. Doctors reported the Israeli use of gas that appeared to cause convulsions.

Three days earlier, Israeli tanks boomed for four hours straight as they shelled the Palestinian towns of Ramallah and Al-Bireh. Despite severe damage to Palestinian homes, the offices of Al Hayat newspaper and a Palestinian Red Crescent clinic, no one was seriously injured.

Then on February 13, Israel resumed its policy of assassinating mid-level Palestinian leaders - this time killing Force 17 Colonel Masoud Ayad in Gaza by hunting him down in his car with Israeli gunships. Outgoing Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak congratulated the army on the killing of Ayad, whom Israel claims was a Hezbollah operative. Palestinians charge Israel with the assassination of as many as 20 activists, only a few of which the Israeli government has admitted killing.

One of the first moves of the new United States administration has been to request details on a list of slain Palestinians from Israel. The Israeli government has refused to answer the request. The United States has also called on Israel to release tax revenues owed to the Palestinian Authority to prevent a further deterioration in the Palestinian economy. So far, Palestinian economic losses are estimated at $2 billion.

At press time, Palestinian national security forces in the Gaza Strip received warning from Israel to evacuate their buildings, which they said, would be bombed, assumedly in retaliation for this morning's operation. -Published 14/2/01 (c)Palestine Report
 

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Feature
 
The silent victim

by Alessandra Antonelli

OVER HER hundred years of life, Um Mustafa has endured many Palestinian catastrophes. There was the great Catastrophe of 1948, the creation of the state of Israel and the exodus of some 800,000 Palestinians from their land; the 1967 Israeli occupation, which divided part of her own family from Palestine forever and the first Intifada during which her nephews were jailed, tortured and even killed. In this last Aqsa Intifada, two more of her nephews have been killed.

But none of these grave events shook Um Mustafa's insistence in holding her head high against life's hardships as what happened one month ago in her own orchard.

"They came [the Israelis] with tractors and bulldozers and uprooted 30 of them," said Um Mustafa with difficulty. She points, trembling and weak outside the arched window of her home in Huwara near Nablus.

Until a month ago, that window had opened up to a plot of olive trees. For decades, Um Mustafa had lovingly tended the trees as if they were her family now scattered in and out of Palestine.

Since that morning Um Mustafa's life has changed. She has not recovered from the shock and subsequent stroke that left her face and tired body half paralyzed. Besides being her income, those olive trees were a bond, the very roots of Um Mustafa's family.

But the orchard lay too close to the Israeli settlement of Yitzhar and its entranceway. In recent months, the Palestinian shebab, young protagonists of the Aqsa Intifada, have thrown stones at passing settlers' cars under the protection of the twisted trunks of Um Mustafa's trees.

The story of Um Mustafa, who has spent all her life in this stone house, is only one example of the demolition and razing policies adopted by the Israeli government.

The cutting of trees and uprooting of planted fields throughout the Palestinian territories is part of an Israeli on-the-ground offensive carried out in tandem with the more visible military strategy. In these months, Palestinians have been under environmental attack.

The Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture estimates that as of the beginning of December last year, the Israeli authorities have uprooted 44,000 trees. The lost harvest includes olives, almonds, oranges, figs and bananas.

The Green Palestine Project, a plan to rehabilitate Palestinian nature, financed by the United Nations Development Project and implemented by the Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture, has been nearly paralyzed.

"We have not ceased our program, as someone stated, but we are certainly facing great difficulties in carrying out our task," said Adel Braigheeth, director general of forestry at the Ministry of Agriculture and head of the Green Palestine Project.

If Israeli military check points and seizures do not budge for ambulances and those in need of medical care, they certainly do not take into consideration loads of seeds that must be planted in certain regions at specific times of the year.

"We have a huge delay in our work, a high increase in the implementation costs," says Braigheeth. "In numerous cases, it is impossible to respect our schedule. If we skip one seasonal planting we have to wait for the following year," he explains.

In Deir Al Hattab, another village near Nablus, the inhabitants are still waiting for the establishment of a park for their children to play in. It is impossible to reach the village because it is completely closed by the Israeli army.

Even when the project tries to reach distant areas via side roads, troubles arise. Ten tons of seed were lost when the truck carrying them overturned trying to reach Jenin. Late planting and negligence of the already existing flora can lead to overall soil deterioration - a luxury that Palestinians cannot afford.

In all, it is not easy to quantify the environmental cost of the near-war situation that has engulfed the Palestinian territories over the past five months.

"It is not a matter of calculating the number of the cut trees, but the consequences of that cutting in the future. A fruit tree, for example, could have given flowers and fruit for the next 20 years. Most importantly, it would have contributed to pumping oxygen into the air for better air quality," says Braigheeth.

Despite joint efforts of the Palestinian agriculture and environment ministries to register the exact number of uprooted trees, it is still difficult to draw a precise map of the damage. Their efforts go back to the start of the Israeli occupation.

"It is still early to estimate the total environmental loss caused by this policy," said Braghteeh. "But we can state, with evidence, that now in the West Bank there are 26 Israeli military camps in 26 different forests, and that, over more than 30 years of occupation, Israeli settlements have been built in place of forests. Since 1967, Palestinian forested land has decreased by one third," Braigheeth estimates.

The complete deforestation in some areas and the localized uprooting of trees, all carried out in the name of Israeli security, has a direct impact on regional bio-diversity.

A natural forest is itself a universe of microorganisms, nurturing bacteria and fungi, as well as insects and animals. It develops and maintains its own complete natural cycle. To destroy a forest, therefore, means the destruction of the entire universe dwelling inside it.

"In the Palestinian territories, there are more than 2,700 species of vascular plants (those with roots, stems, leaves and flowers). This is a huge patrimony, granted by the peculiar position of the country, [which is] a conjunction of two continents, Europe and Asia," explains Braigheeth. Iraq, which is much larger than historic Palestine, has only 1,800 species, he says.

Israeli bulldozers are not the only source of the current environmental destruction. The economic sanctions Israel has imposed on Palestinians, blocking the delivery of gas during the winter months, has forced some Palestinians, in particular those living in Al Aroub near Hebron and Wadi Al Quf village in the north to burn wild shrubs and trees as alternative fuel.

On the battlefield, bullets and the release of the chemicals used in tear gas have also caused environmental harm - killing off several plant species and leaving the soil contaminated with spent ammunition.

All of these tiny little tragedies on the ground have gone virtually unnoticed by humans distracted by more compelling daily problems - except for those watching the sky.

Again due to its peculiar geographical position and mild climate, this area once offered shelter to birds migrating from northern Europe towards their final destination in Asia. Local birdwatchers and wildlife observers have reported to the Ministry of Environmental Affairs the decline, and in some cases, the total disappearance of some migratory birds.

Back on the ground, closures and curfews have prevented the proper disposal of waste, causing metropolitan environmental disasters.

First, there is the solid waste pollution of Hebron. Along with Huwara, Hebron has suffered the longest and most severe of curfews, where residents have been prevented from leaving their homes for hours on end.

"We have been under curfew for 90 continuous days, which has made it impossible to deliver ordinary services such as water supply, sewage maintenance or garbage collection, " said Mush Tahboub, head of the health department at the Hebron Municipality.
 
Hebron is divided into two areas, H1 and H2, with the latter under Israeli control. The Israeli military is present for the protection of 400 settlers residing in a neighborhood of 40,000 Palestinians.

"We were allowed to clean area H2 only when the curfew was lifted for a couple of hours - a hard task due to the conditions and accumulation of solid waste in that time," said Tahboub.

But Hebronites have cooperated, according to Tahboub. City residents have even accepted the parking of full garbage trucks beneath their windows when garbage could not be removed immediately.

"Several times, we were able to fill the garbage trucks and then were forced to park them in residential areas. The continuous closure of streets and city areas made it impossible to unload the waste in the regional dump in Yatta, 20 kilometers from Hebron, or to park the truck in the proper parking lot," said Tahboub.

Twice the garbage truck tried to use the bypass roads to reach the dump and twice its tires were shot out, according to Tahboub.

Residents have also complained that the Israeli soldiers on patrol in the city shot and killed several animals that were then left to rot.

"We had a couple of calls about that," said Tahboub "but I cannot say with certainty it was part of a deliberate plan to degrade the situation more."

What did appear to be deliberate, however, was the shooting of Fares Hashab, head of the street-cleaning department. He was hit by a bullet in the leg coming from an Israeli position in downtown Hebron while preparing his 60-man crew for work.

The accumulation of solid waste in the narrow alleys of Hebron's Old City ignited a chain of reactions hazardous to human health. The alarm was so great that the Ministry of Health warned of an epidemic.

"We are still in an emergency, " says Dr. Abdelaziz Shukeir, director of Hebron's public health department. "The continuous accumulation of waste brings parasites, insects and rats, all of which can cause infections to humans."

The winter rains have not helped. Shukeir says that most water is still collected in local wells that are easily polluted. The hospital has been put on alert for an increase in cases of amoebas, dysentery, typhoid, malaria or lishmania, a type of external infection.

But even medical waste cannot be properly disposed of. "This kind of waste should be collected and dumped in the appropriate sites everyday since several residuals are toxic," says Shukeir. Bottles or needles discarded in the wrong place can fall into children's hands, a hazardous new game.

Hebron is one case study for Palestinian environmental ills. But throughout the West Bank and Gaza, the problem of solid waste pollution persists. Israeli-enforced closures prevent waste from being collected and disposed of properly. Israeli bulldozers have damaged wells and sewage system. When sewage spills into the ground, it harms future food crops.

For Um Mustafa, bowed with age and pain, the landscape is desolate without her olive trees. It is, indeed, much more desolate than she can imagine. -Published 14/2/01 (c)Palestine Report
 

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From Gaza

Twenty-two Gaza families fear Israeli bulldozers

by Saud Abu Ramadan

ISRAELI ARMY officers told 22 Palestinian families in Al Mawasi neighborhood in the southern Gaza Strip over the weekend that it intended to demolish their homes for military and security reasons.

But on February 12, after international concern and condemnation, the Israeli government radio in Arabic gave an official denial that the demolition was ever to take place.

Hajj Ibrahim Al Ja'bari, the neighborhood mayor or what Palestinians would call Al Mawasi's mukhtar, said that Israeli army officers came to the area on February 9 with tanks and bulldozers to hand the residents of 22 houses written military orders that they had three days to evacuate their homes.

"I have never seen such an uncivil and barbaric way - people occupying other's lands, killing their children, destroying their fields and finally coming to brutally demolish our houses and expel us from Al Mawasi to take it for their settlements," said Al Ja'bari.

He said that about 3000 people live in Al Mawasi. The community, surrounded by Israeli settlements, has been under closure and siege since the late September start to the Aqsa Intifada.

Al Ja'bari, speaking on the telephone, said that when the Israeli army officer handed him the 22 orders to give them to the residents, he ripped the orders to pieces and threw them on the ground. Then the officer shoved him and told him that the bulldozers would be there in two days to demolish the homes over the people's heads.

Since the start of the Aqsa Intifada, the Israeli army has bulldozed hundreds of dunums in the Al Mawasi area. Just last week, Israeli soldiers plowed under 300 dunums (75 acres) belonging to the Al Abadlah family.

The residents say that the bulldozing of their land is intended to aid in its confiscation for nearby settlements. They say that Israel wants to enlarge a road connecting its settlements west of Deir El Balah on the coast with the settlements west of Khan Younis in order to create a 400-meter-wide "security belt."

Abu Eyad Shaath, head of the Al Mawasi Residents Cooperative, said that Israel is bulldozing the land in stages to slowly push the Palestinians out of the area.

"We are ready to confront the Israeli bulldozers with our bodies. We will refuse to leave our houses even if they demolish them upon our heads and those of our children," said Shaath.

Since the Israeli army made its warning visit, its tanks and bulldozers have hovered near the houses waiting for an order to move in from upper army echelons.

"We have informed members of the Red Cross, human rights organizations and Palestinian Authority institutions that they must make it their responsibility to stop the Israeli policy of transfer," said Shaath.

The residents of Al Mawasi say that their situation is unbearable, as they are defenseless in confronting the Israeli soldiers and Jewish settlers that frighten their children and threaten their lives.

The settlers have told the Israeli media that they will not permit the Palestinians to stay in the area. Every night, more stickers appear in the vicinity of the houses - "You Arabs leave Al Mawasi and go to town," the stickers read, referring to nearby Khan Younis.

The settlers' threats and attacks on Al Mawasi residents have increased in recent weeks, particularly after armed Palestinians shot dead a Jewish settler nearby and burned his car. Not much later, the settlers burnt area green houses and Palestinian cars.

The Palestinian Authority called for immediate Arab and international intervention to stop what it called "Israeli racial purification" in the area of Al Mawasi.

Palestinian Information Minister Yasser Abed Rabbo said he sent a letter to Arab and foreign diplomatic representatives, calling on them to move quickly to stop the Al Mawasi demolitions.

Abed Rabbo warned of "the dangerous results" of this Israeli escalation. "These countries have to move to stop Israeli extremist groups before the whole area is brought back to an uncontrollable wave of violence."

The Israeli military demolition orders were to be executed this weekend, however, it appears that, at least momentarily, international pressure has stayed the army's hand. -Published 14/2/01 ©Palestine Report

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For the Record
 
This week Palestine Report interviews Palestinian Red Crescent founder Haidar Abdel Shafi on the proposal that Palestinians form their own national unity government.

PR: First, could you tell me if the idea of forming a national unity government is the same that was proposed by Palestinian National Council Speaker Salim Za'anoun in the central council?

Abdel Shafi: No, it has nothing at all to do with it. Za'noun did not speak of a national unity government. He was talking about a coalition of men around the president. I am calling for a national unity government, in the sense that all political factions are represented and are given a role in decision-making. This is basically the idea.

PR: Would this government pose an alternative to the Palestinian Authority?

Abdel Shafi: Of course. The current Palestinian Authority does not represent all political walks. This is one of the Authority's negative aspects. For this reason, I think that in order to effectively and productively confront the crisis in which we have found ourselves, I think there must be a national unity government.

PR: What are the foundations of this national unity government?

Abdel Shafi: The significance of it is that it would unify Palestinian decisions and create unified Palestinian action, which we urgently need. It also reinforces the potential to confront this crisis in which we are living.  So, actually the concept of a national unity government springs from respect for the principle of democracy, which constitutes the will of the majority.

PR: I understand that a proposal was submitted to Palestinian President Yasser Arafat in this regard. Could you tell me what his position was?

Abdel Shafi: As of now, no proposal has been submitted to Arafat, as was widely understood in the press. However, I believe that a proposal will be submitted in this regard. The letter that was submitted was from the follow-up committee and speaks on this subject, but not in the sense of national unity. I say that we will submit a letter or request in regards to this and see what happens.

PR: Do you think that this government is going to be capable of handling the post-Arafat situation - in other words, who will succeed him, how the Palestinian territories will be administered, and so on?

Abdel Shafi: This is what we hope for. I think that the concept of a national unity authority is the best possible solution for responding to the needs of the situation, whatever they may be.  This would be the best way to prevent an expansion of individual ambitions.

We are in urgent need of this. We are in a huge crisis. Other than the fact that a national unity government would shut the door to individual ambitions, it will also make an investment of Palestinian potential, which is now being neglected and not taken advantage of.

PR: What is the significance of such a proposal being raised at this time? Does it have anything to do with the internal situation, the negotiations?

Abdel Shafi: The truth is, many of us have been contemplating such an idea for a long time. Perhaps the only thing left was how to translate this idea into a reality. Also, [then] circumstances were not so urgent as they are now, which is the reason we are calling for this now. There is a danger to our future. I am speaking at both levels - our internal situation and also how we should behave towards Israel and its aggression.

PR: Recently there has been a lot of talk of increasing corruption in the Palestinian Authority. Do you think that a national unity government will be able to confront such matters?

Abdel Shafi: If there is to be such a government, it would be its duty to confront such problems like corruption. The national unity government is better than any other for confronting corruption - this will be one of its major tasks.

PR: How would the political and parties be represented in this government - through relative representation, elections?

Abdel Shafi: I think this would be something agreed upon. Our situation would not allow us to give time for elections, so let us say that it would done be through relative representation. But this would be without one party dominating other parties.

One task of this government, after confronting urgent matters, would be to work towards holding elections. Because, in the end, a government that represents the will of the people is an elected government.

PR: Would this government reach the president?

Abdel Shafi: In my opinion, I think that the president should be a part of it. And since the president is considered the head of the strongest party, there is a strong possibility that he would head the government as well. But he would not have an independent viewpoint. His viewpoint would be the opinion adopted by the government.

PR: There has been talk that President Arafat may agree to the formation of a national unity government in order to sign on to a final agreement with a postponement of the issues of Jerusalem and refugees.

Abdel Shafi: This would be a national disaster for the national unity government to agree to these things. But unity government or not, the people are the safety valve. The Palestinian people will not accept a violation of their rights. I sincerely doubt that a national unity government would accept any further concessions or neglect any basic issues like Jerusalem or refugees.

PR: Are there specific names of figures or political leaders slated to be part of this government?

Abdel Shafi: I am calling for this government, but I am not going to be its president. I may not even be able to participate in it because of my age. I have a strong conviction that the best of Palestinian society should be part of this society. It is too early to talk about certain people. First, we need to propose this idea to President Arafat. We hope he will accept. If he doesn't, there will be a problem. That would mean that he wants things to continue as they are at present. We are not calling for a national unity government for nothing - we think there is a national and strategic need for this. We are just hoping he will accept. -Published 14/2/01 (c)Palestine Report
 


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