May 29,  2002 - VOL 8 NO 48

Table of contents

From the desk of our publisher, Ghassan Khatib
 
An April Understanding is direly needed

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL recently issued a human rights report indicating that, of the 400 Palestinian casualties at the hands of the Israeli army and settlers over the last year, 89 of these have been children. That report alone should emphasize the need for more balanced international political and media coverage of the ongoing Palestinian-Israeli confrontations.

The active and efficient Israeli propaganda machine has succeeded in creating the impression that Israel is only reacting militarily to violent Palestinian activities against Israeli civilians. But professional undertakings by any journalist or researcher would show that Palestinians are undertaking violent resistance activities against Israeli targets specifically in reaction to Israeli-initiated violence against Palestinians and Palestinian civilians.

Let us look at the facts. The first is that the early phases of this wave of fierce confrontation was almost entirely about killing Palestinian civilian protestors, with very few casualties on the Israeli side. But those deaths - boys and young men shot in the head and eyes for throwing stones at armored cars - were not dramatic enough to draw strong international reactions that might deter the Israelis. Only when both sides became active and efficient at killing the other, including civilians, was there notable international condemnation.

Further, how can one look at the ongoing violence without acknowledging that it is happening between an incredibly strong regional superpower and an extremely weak populace? Which side has been illegally occupying the other, putting its civilian population under arbitrary and brutal military rule for over 30 years?

At any rate, it no longer seems relevant the cause and effect of the daily acts of violence because we are now in a vicious cycle. What is relevant is that pressure is now being applied on Palestinians to stop their violence against Israelis with no one able to see the need to stop Israeli violence against Palestinian civilians. That, precisely, is why these efforts are failing. Still, no one seems to notice that the number of innocent Palestinian civilians killed by the Israeli military is far greater than those Israelis killed by Palestinians. Are we not human? Do we not deserve sympathy?
 
In light of all this, it would serve journalists and policy makers well to be more careful in their terminology. If killing civilians in the context of a political struggle is called "terrorism," then naturally any act from any party that causes civilian causalities should be referred to as "terrorism." Why the double standard? Equally, Israeli operations inside Palestinian population centers should be reported with the same level of condemnation placed on violent Palestinian attacks inside Israeli population centers. Finally, Israel's practice of referring to its violent attacks as "retaliation" for Palestinian attacks should not be repeated by third party politicians or journalists following events. (After all, who decides that? Israel.)

A serious and balanced political initiative that would call upon both sides to agree to leave civilians out of the conflict is needed and would be successful if political weight is placed behind it, i.e., any party violating the pact would suffer political and other losses. That approach was successful in the Israeli-Lebanese confrontations in southern Lebanon when the April Understanding was reached between Israel and Hezbollah. The conflict did not end, but the suffering of civilians contributed to ending that conflict. A similar approach is now direly needed and timely to help relieve the current and ongoing Palestinian-Israeli violence.-Published 29/5/02 (c)Palestine Report

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Seven Days

US to send envoy amid escalation

by Joharah Baker

AS ISRAEL continues to invade Palestinian territories and Palestinians intensify their attacks on Israelis, a diplomatic solution to the conflict seems remote.

The United States announced this week that it would soon send Assistant Secretary of State William Burns and Central Intelligence Agency director George Tenet back to the region for more talks with Palestinians and Israelis. The administration has hinted at a more active US role, saying that it would prepare an agenda for negotiations on a final agreement between the two parties.

But the actual steps this administration is willing to take remain murky. "We are sorting out for ourselves what would be appropriate for us to say about the endgame and the best time to say something about it," an administration official vaguely told the Washington Post.

Europe and other players have said they are willing to intervene for a solution to the decades-long Palestinian-Israeli conflict. On May 26, Palestinian President Yasser Arafat met at his headquarters in Ramallah with Canadian Foreign Minister Bill Graham. The foreign minister of Iceland is scheduled to meet with the Palestinian leader sometime next week.

Israel has pointed fingers at the European Union, saying it does not want it involved in any political process due to its "unbalanced policy."

Meanwhile, the situation on the ground is rapidly deteriorating. Assassinations of Palestinian activists by the Israeli army have been accelerated and incursions into Palestinian areas are repeated almost daily. On May 22, leader in the Aqsa Martyrs Brigades Mahmoud Al Titi was assassinated by an Israeli tank shell as he and two other members of the group sat talking near a cemetery near Nablus' Mount Jerzim. Forty-year-old Basheer Yaeesh, a Nablus citizen who was passing by, was also killed in the attack.

This week alone, Israeli troops entered and temporarily reoccupied the West Bank towns of Bethlehem, Jenin and Qalqilya and several surrounding villages and camps. In the Jenin raid on March 28, scores of Palestinians were arrested and 55-year-old Yousef Shareem, a bread vendor, died after being shot in the leg by an Israeli soldier. He was struck near his home and left untreated for several hours. His wife charged the Israeli army with preventing ambulance crews from treating her bleeding husband.

In another incident, a mother and her 13-year-old daughter were killed in the Breij Refugee Camp in Gaza when Israeli soldiers fired a tank shell into a field where they were working. The army later said that the women were in a prohibited area and raised the soldiers' suspicions.

Israel has recently announced that it would expand its military operations inside Palestinian areas. On May 26, defense minister Benjamin Ben Eliezer said that the operations would continue because, "there are serious attempts to rebuild the infrastructure of Palestinian armed forces in Bethlehem, Ramallah, Nablus and Jenin."

Movement at checkpoints has become even more difficult. For the second day in a row, the main Qalandiya checkpoint between Ramallah and Jerusalem has been closed off almost completely. Soldiers are reportedly letting some people cross into Ramallah but are not allowing anyone to leave.

The heightened Israeli restrictions come after a week of suicide bombings and attacks inside Israel that claimed the lives of several Israelis. On May 28, four Israelis were killed in the West Bank by armed Palestinians. Three yeshiva students in the West Bank settlement of Itimar south of Nablus were shot and killed by a lone gunman who was later shot dead by a security guard. One Jewish settler near the Beit El settlement was killed in a drive-by shooting on the same day.

On May 27, a suicide bombing in Petah Tikva east of Tel Aviv claimed the lives of two Israelis and the bomber and injured 50 others. Jihad Titi from the Aqsa Martyrs Brigades was the cousin of slain Mohammed Titi, assassinated by Israeli forces one week ago.

Another suicide bombing on May 22 in Rishon Litzion that killed two Israelis and the bomber, was also claimed by Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, the military wing of Fateh. While President Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian leadership condemned the bombing, calling it "harmful to the national cause," Aqsa Brigades leader "Abu Mujahed" insists that the operations will continue.

"This [Rishon Litzion] operation is proof to the criminal Sharon that the Aqsa Martyrs Brigades and all other Palestinian factions will continue to resist until we achieve our goals of freedom, independence and our state."-Published 29/5/02 (c)Palestine Report

 
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Feature
 
Trapped in misery

by Safwat Al Kahlout

GAZANS OFTEN call the Gaza Strip their "giant prison." The name reflects the crowded, tense quarters where 1.1 million people live on some 360 kilometers square. The Israeli army surrounds the Strip, preventing Palestinians from leaving the area without special permits that are granted only in emergency situations.

Even within Gaza's borders, its people are confined. Israel has divided the strip into three zones of Palestinian towns and refugees that are surrounded by Israeli military hardware. Travel between the areas is allowed only at certain times, and at the whims of the Israeli troops manning the checkpoints - very much like prison guards.

The Strip is easily divided into three areas because of the Jewish settlements embedded in its heart in the most strategic areas. There are currently 5,000 settlers living in 19 settlements across the Gaza Strip.

If the Gaza Strip is a prison, its solitary confinement area is the agricultural part of Al Mawasi, just west of Khan Younis. Al Mawasi is effectively controlled by settlers and surrounded by the settlement of Gush Katif from the east and the sea from the south. The people of Al Mawasi can neither leave their area nor distribute their agricultural produce except by special permission from the Israeli authorities.

"When harvesting season approaches, we start to panic," says Abu Ibrahim, a farmer from Al Mawasi. "We pay a lot of money for our produce and in the end we are not allowed to bring it out into the local market. We are forced to feed it to the animals," he laments. "Never mind the destruction periodically wrought on our crops by the settlers."

Abu Ibrahim says all this is unbearable and humiliating. "The settler who stole my land enjoys his freedom. But I, the owner of the land, cannot even leave my house without a permit. It is the age of wonders!"

The Gaza Strip is scattered with eight refugee camps in which more than 800,000 refugees live under extremely difficult economic conditions. Like most of Gaza's residents, rising unemployment due to the Israeli closure is now epidemic.

Twenty-six-year-old Yasser tells his story. "Two years ago, just before the Aqsa Intifada broke out, I was working in a sewing factory in Gaza. I used to make NIS90 or $20 a day, not including overtime. I was able to save up enough money to get married and have a place of my own," he says, recalling better times.

Yasser rented an apartment and married one of his cousins. "Our house was a happy one, especially when I found out my wife was pregnant," he says. But only a few months later, the Intifada broke out and Yasser's troubles began. Because of the ever-tightening siege, the factory owner had to lay off half of his workers because he was not able to bring in raw materials.

"All of a sudden, I found myself out of a job. I looked everywhere, but unfortunately, I found that almost everyone was in the same boat," says Yasser.

It was around this time that his wife was ready to give birth. Knowing he would not be able to pay the hospital bills, Yasser and his wife left their rented apartment and moved in with his parents in the Jabalya refugee camp. The meager house of four rooms is also home to his three unemployed brothers. Two of the brothers are married with children and the third is a high school student.

When things really got rough, Yasser was forced to send his wife, Amal, to her parents so her father would cover the costs of her delivery and take care of her until Yasser's situation improved. Unfortunately, things only got worse.

On the day of Amal's delivery, the couple was overjoyed to realize that she was having twins. "But my joy was not complete because, one, I knew I could not provide the wonderful life I had planned to give my children and two, the babies were weak and did not thrive because I could not afford to provide their mother with the vitamins the doctor prescribed for them when she was pregnant."

Now his twin children spend much of their time in the hospital. Yasser's father-in-law has lost his job and cannot support his own 10 children. He once had a job in Israel making more than $50 a day.

Not far from Jabalya Camp is Beach Camp. Its dejected environs are home to tens of desperate young men, loitering on the shore because they cannot find work. One landmark of the seaside is Abu Jamil's Caf?, filled to capacity with unemployed Palestinians.

Abu Jihad, 36, sits in one of the caf?'s corners, playing cards and smoking a water pipe. "In the past, I used only to hear of Abu Jamil's, but now I have become one of its regular customers," he says. His other option is to stay at home, where the unfulfilled responsibilities only stack up. "So I run away all day," Abu Jihad admits.

Just a few tables down is Abu Sufian Miqdad, 55, who supports a family of 15 children and grandchildren. His only income is fishing, which he says was once his joy, but now has become a daily tragedy.

"You cannot even imagine the difficult lives of fishermen these days," he begins. "The siege is closing in on them and their only source of sustenance is being taken from them before their eyes. Fishing is a hard and tiring job, full of death - not like it used to be," he remembers. "Now we are poor."

Miqdad says his two brothers, Yousef, who supports 10 family members and Muhhedin, who supports six, are also fishermen, but have been equally stymied in their work. "I, the fisherman, have started buying frozen fish," Miqdad says, laughing wryly.

Head of the fishermen's union Yousef Azahhar says that while the men hunt fish, the Israeli army hunts them. "The Israeli patrol boat is constantly chasing us when we are at sea. The sea is surrounded by barbed wire and the area in which we are allowed to fish in is nothing to speak of," he protests.

According to the Oslo Accords between Palestinians and Israelis, Gaza fishermen are supposed to be allowed to fish within a 13-kilometer radius from the shore. But Palestinians say Israel has never fully committed to the agreement and now that Palestinians and Israelis are in open confrontation, sometimes the area allowed for fishing is two kilometers, other times it is one.

"Loss, humiliation and a violation of our basic rights as humans - this is what we face every fishing trip," says Azahhar. "Instead of making money to support your children, you find yourself defending your very life and your presence as a fisherman at sea."

Azahhar says the Israeli authorities have confiscated many expensive dinghies, boats and motorboats. One fisherman lost the equivalent of nearly $19,000 of equipment two months ago. "He lost everything he owns in one day," grimaces Azahhar. "Now he lives in poverty because he can't get his things back, nor can he continue his work."

Not far away, twelve-year-old Ammar is returning from school, sweat dripping down his face as he bends under the weight of his schoolbag. Clearly weary, he sits down by the side of the road just meters from the Israeli military check post near the Matahen junction on the Khan Younis highway.

Asked why he chooses to come to this place where there are frequent clashes, Ammar answers that he has been coming here for a long time, trying to earn a living. He explains that the Israelis do not allow lone drivers to cross on their own. "So I go with them for few shekels wage," he says. "At the end of the day, I take the money home to my eight brothers and my mother and father. All my mother does is cry because of the pressure on us."

Ammar says that in the face of his mother's tears he is willing to do just about anything to keep his family from going hungry.

Um Mohammed in the Jabaliya Refugee Camp is a mother of three. After her husband was shot, his injury confining him to a wheelchair, Um Mohammed became desperate to feed her year-and-a-half old child.  Feeling she had no other choice, she gave her baby, Bassam, small dosages of kerosene until he was ill enough to be hospitalized for two or three days. Care in government hospitals is free of charge for children up to 10 yeas of age. At the hospital, she knew that she and her children would be given a few meals a day. Only after some time, did the doctors realize what she was up to.

In Gaza's southernmost regions, poverty has been augmented by homelessness. Hundreds of Rafah residents have lost everything after Israeli bulldozers came, without warning, and razed their houses to the ground. Ibrahim Qashta is one of the Rafah residents who lost his home. "My dream was to build a house for myself and my six children," he says. "Just when I had accomplished my dream and had put my life's savings into it, I was awakened one night by Israeli bulldozers that demolished mine and the neighbor's home. I could barely save myself and my children." Now Qashta has taken up camp in a makeshift Red Cross tent in the street.

Always hovering is the fear of an extensive Israeli invasion similar to that in the Gaza Strip. The Gaza Strip is already suffering shortages of staples like flour, milk and rice, just as the residents try to stockpile more.

Abu Karim, owner of a warehouse verifies this. "My warehouse is almost empty of the basic foodstuffs. This is because whatever we run out of, we can only bring in very little from outside."

The Gaza Strip seems trapped in human tragedy. Its confinement breeds hopelessness, and the lack of opportunity breeds poverty. Always hanging over the heads of its residents is the fear of what more will come. -Published 29/5/02 (c)Palestine Report
 

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From Gaza

End of the school year

by Hiyam Hassan

THE FIRST day of vacation in the Gaza Strip was on May 25, except for those students preparing for their high school matriculation exams.

These students prepared and sat for their final tests in an atmosphere of anxiety and fear of an Israeli invasion, all of which threw a dark shadow over their mental state.

Educators are expecting a drop in grades and test results, saying that they think the overall score will be much lower than usual, as they were last year when the conflict was intensified.

Schoolteacher Rania Badr from the Martyr Raed Dameeda School in Jabaliya says she thinks her students will have lower grades. She has already noticed a decline in the work of many students.

The Raed Dameeda School is one of those most damaged by the Israeli aggression. Parts of it were hit twice, the most recent time being last March. Classes were temporarily suspended until renovation could be carried out at the school.

Many parents refused to allow their children to return to school until renovations and repairs were completely finished and school had officially resumed. They were too afraid that there would be a new attack while the students were in school.

"A number of students returned to school just days before the start of final exams because they were too scared," said Rami Dameeda, board member at the school. "This will no doubt be reflected in their averages and final exam grades."

"We tried our best to reassure the students and settle them psychologically after classes were resumed. But a large number of them were still frightened of a surprise attack or shelling like what happened before," says Bader.

A number of private institutions and organizations in conjunction with the education ministry carried out entertainment and therapy programs to ease the pressure on students in their schools as a result of the mayhem wrought by the Israeli army.

The administration of the Raed Dameeda School, a prime example of the extensive damage done to the education process by Israeli aggression, is also worried about another problem. It fears that despite all the renovations completed with the help of the Ministry of Public Works, many students will simply drop out.

"The fear of this happening still exists," says Dameeda. "Despite the relative calm the region is in now, the test will be at the start of the new year when parents decide whether they will move their children to another school or not."

This private school has enrollment of 850 elementary students, lifting a considerable burden from the government schools in the northern Gaza Strip.

Translated by Joharah Baker from Al Ayyam on May 26, 2002.  (c)Palestine Report

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For the Record
 
This week Palestine Report Online interviews attorney Jawad Boulous on his representation of West Bank Fateh General Secretary Marwan Barghouti.

PR: When was the last time you saw Marwan Barghouti?

Boulous: The last time I saw him was on Sunday [May 26] in the Russian Compound detention center. Today I went to visit him and realized that he had been transferred to the detention center to Petah Tikva.

Marwan was arrested on April 14 and my first visit to him was on April 18. After that, Israel issued a number of orders banning any visits to Marwan until May 7, after which I resorted to the High Court. The court issued a decision permitting me to visit him under conditions that included the presence of an Israeli intelligence officer and the specification of the topics to be discussed. Despite these unjust conditions, I visited him because up until May 7 we had no contact with him whatsoever.

First, I felt I had to see if he was physically well and second, it was our duty to refute the Israeli leaks that he had confessed things about himself and others, in particular President [Yasser] Arafat. It later became clear that these leaks were not true. After this, I was banned from seeing him again until May 15.

PR: How is he being treated?

Boulous: Since the first day of his arrest, Marwan underwent very harsh torture, basically sleep deprivation for long hours. They would take advantage of this period to carry out lengthy and intense interrogations. I presented three cases to the High Court against the conditions that Marwan is suffering under. Unfortunately, the high court did not accept these appeals.

Marwan was deprived of sleep, sometimes for more than 20 consecutive hours during which he was interrogated. Sometimes 11 or 15 interrogators would interrogate him in one day. This whole time, Marwan was sitting on an uncomfortable plastic chair. Sometimes his hands would be tied behind his back for long periods. In addition to exhaustion, this caused Marwan terrible pains in the neck and back. It also led to bleeding because right before he was arrested, he underwent an operation for hemorrhoids.

When I visited him he was exhausted and drained and had lost a lot of weight. He was treated like any other Palestinian detainee in Israeli jails. The cell in which he was held was very small and uncomfortable. The food given to him is what we call "prisoner food," which is usually very little and very unappetizing.

Also, isolating him from the world for almost a month was another torture tactic. He had no contact with the outside world, neither through a lawyer nor through international organizations like the Red Cross, which were prohibited from visiting him. Of course, he has no contact with his family or doctors. Their tactics also included direct threats to him, his reputation and his family. The interrogators would tell him that they were going to deal with his son like a "ticking bomb" after his son said that he would die a martyr if they harmed his father.

PR: Can you tell us how he is doing now? How is his morale?

Boulous: Marwan is in extremely high spirits and he has a very clear vision of what Israel wants and is trying to achieve through his arrest. His will is strong and he is determined not to cooperate with his interrogators except in matters that he has spoken about before his arrest and which he is now repeating inside prison.

These matters have two directions. The first direction is that he does not recognize Israel's jurisdiction over his arrest. He considers Israel's arrest illegal and a crime. He is an elected parliamentarian, a Palestinian leader and the general secretary of Fateh, which is the largest Palestinian faction. Therefore, Israel does not have this right.

From this perspective, [Bargouthi] is not cooperating with their demand to take him to court. If Israel decides to take him to a military court - which is something not guaranteed at this point - he will not deal with this court except to claim that Israel does not have the right to arrest him and that Israel violated international law and charters and the agreements that it signed with the Palestine Liberation Organization regarding the status of the Palestinian Authority and its institutions, in particular the Legislative Council of which Marwan is a member.

As for the accusations that Israel is making, Marwan is denying them completely. He is a political leader and his role is political and as a political leader he believes that the Palestinians have a legitimate right to resist the occupation and that such a right is enshrined in international charters. This is a right that he will not relinquish. He also has reiterated that he thinks peace is the shortest and most successful solution for both peoples, but that this peace must be conditioned on the elimination of settlements and the establishment of a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital.

He also says that Israel must understand that Israelis will never enjoy security, tranquility or prosperity as long as they are occupying the Palestinian people, who are being denied the simplest of rights, of security, independence and freedom.

PR: What are the charges being brought against Marwan and how are you responding to them?

Boulous: They are directing accusations at him, not charges, that he is a member of an outlawed organization, meaning the Aqsa Martyrs Brigades and that he incited towards acts of murder. As I said, we are refuting these accusations completely and will not even deal with them. Again, Marwan is a political leader.

PR: What is your legal position in this case and what are your expectations?

Boulous: Israel is trying to present this case as if it were a normal court case within the Israeli military court system over which Israel has jurisdiction. We do not accept this position whatsoever. We are determined and hope that the world will accept that this issue is a political issue and that Israel has violated international charters.

I have said that as an attorney we will not accept, deal or give our consent to Israel's jurisdiction over Marwan's case as a normal detainee. We will not get into details of this in the future even if Israel decides to remain on the same path. What we will do is get help from experts in international law who have expressed their solidarity and willingness to provide us with studies and research that Israel is violating international law. We will try to turn this trial into a trial against the occupation and its crimes and to prove that Israel is the aggressor against this people and its rights stipulated in international law and charters.-Published 29/5/02   (c)Palestine Report


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