August 21, 1998 - VOL 5 NO 10
by: Joharah Baker
Over the past several months the stalemate in the peace process has been blamed, by both Palestinians and Israelis, on a variety of people and circumstances. But by far, the newest excuse for the failed process is the most bizarre. Following US president Bill Clinton's televised confession of having an “inappropriate relationship” with former White House intern Monica Lewinsky, Palestinian official sources voiced their concern that such a confession would damage the prospects for peace.
“Obviously we have been paying the price of a besieged administration incapable of taking bold positions in the peace process,” explained former minister of higher education and Palestinian spokeswoman Hanan Ashrawi. Palestinians fear that such a sex scandal will weaken the US president to the point that he will be unable to exert any kind of pressure on Israel. Ashrawi went on to say that “the peace process has been paying the price of a shaken president and a diversion of attention.” Even some Israelis believe that the two issues are related. Israeli commentator Akiva Eldar stated that the US president insisted on blaming Israel for the stalemate in the peace process and only stopped after Lewinsky cut a deal with independent counselor Kenneth Starr.
Meanwhile, no matter who the concerned parties choose to blame, the situation is growing more tense every day. While Palestinian president Yasser Arafat insists that no peace will prevail unless Jerusalem is returned to its rightful Arab owners, Israel is concentrating the bulk of its attention and efforts in the Holy City. The newest development this week in the Jerusalem arena concerns the recent change in travel procedures for residents of East Jerusalem wishing to travel to Jordan. The move entails the Israeli Ministry of Interior granting East Jerusalem residents a two-year permit allowing them to cross the Allenby Bridge into Jordan, instead of the normal permit which was good for the period of travel only. Palestinians are concerned that this long-term permit would in fact be a laissez-passez. If the document is similar to the laissez-passez, then the procedure to obtain one would obligate any applicant to produce documentation to prove his residency inside the Jerusalem boundaries, meaning that thousands more Jerusalemites would be forced to come under the scrutiny of the Interior Ministry and risk losing their residency rights.
Right-wing Israeli interior minister Eli Suissa, who devised the new procedure, explained that it is not a laissez-passez and is intended to facilitate travel procedures. Palestinians are not buying it. Suissa is a well-known advocate of “cleansing” Jerusalem of its Arab inhabitants and expanding Jerusalem to accommodate more Jews. Therefore, any plan of his is understandably viewed warily, and Palestinians are hesitant of unforeseen ramifications of the new procedures. Jordanian officials have threatened to refuse to recognize the new permits.
Meanwhile, the peace process remains in a coma. Efforts to revive it are more or less one-sided, with the Palestinians appealing to Arab and international parties for help. Egyptian president Husni Mubarak stated on August 17 that a summit may be be held if Arafat announces that negotiations with Israel have finally reached a dead end. And, it appears, they have.
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PA imposes its first curfew
in search of escaped Hamas activist
by: Muna Hamzeh-Muhaisen
For the first time in the Palestinian Authority's four-year history, security forces imposed a one-day curfew on an estimated 18,000 Palestinians in the town of Jericho on August 16 following the escape of an important Hamas activist from a PA prison. The curfew was lifted on August 17 following unconfirmed reports that the escaped Hamas activist had fled to Jordan, presumably under an assumed identity.
Imad 'Awadallah, 29, who has been held without trial since April 11 for his alleged involvement in the March 29 shooting death in Ramallah of Hamas master bombmaker Muhyideen Sharif, apparently took advantage of the prisoners' daily exercise and jumped over the wall of the Preventive Security Prison in Jericho around 4 p.m. on August 15. It wasn't until almost an hour later that his absence was reported and the whole affair has prompted PA president Yasser Arafat to order a commission of inquiry to investigate the escape.
Meanwhile, an unidentified security official reportedly told Reuters on August 16 that 'Awadallah may have escaped with help from officials inside the prison. But according to Preventive Security chief, Jibril Rjoub, 'Awadallah escaped without any assistance. Rjoub told the press that there is no evidence that he was helped by anyone. Rjoub admitted, however, that reports of a preliminary investigation indicate that the officer on duty at the time of the escape was negligent, leaving the door to 'Awadallah's cell open.
Three cab drivers who unwittingly gave 'Awadallah lifts were arrested and are being held for questioning, but Rjoub told the Palestinian press that the cab drivers did not previously know 'Awadallah or know of his escape.
“After spending the night in an abandoned house, 'Awadallah took a cab to the center of town under the pretext that his father was ill and he needed help,” Rjoub told reporters August 18. “After arriving at the town's center, he stopped another cab and asked the driver for a lift, offering to pay him whatever amount he wanted but the driver was suspicious of him and asked him to get out of the car.” 'Awadallah apparently hailed another cab and vanished to an undisclosed location.
Meanwhile, four Palestinian police jeeps drove announcing the curfew in Jericho in a scene reminiscent to the days of Israel's occupation when Israeli forces routinely imposed curfews on populated Palestinian areas. Palestinian security forces went from shop to shop, ordering shopkeepers to close and telling people to return to their homes. The curfew, however, was not clamped down on the refugee camps of 'Ein Sultan and 'Aqabat Jabr, located on the outskirts of Jericho and housing nearly 6,000 Palestinian refugees.
In a massive two-day manhunt for 'Awadallah, Palestinian roadblocks stopped cars in and around Ramallah, where 'Awadallah lives, and also cars heading south to Bethlehem. Policemen stationed at these roadblocks were given photos of 'Awadallah and a colored passport picture of the fugitive was printed on the front page of every Palestinian daily newspaper.
Palestinian cars traveling from Ramallah to Bethlehem on the Wadi Nar Road were also stopped by Israeli border patrols who were checking the faces and identities of all passengers, causing long delays for Palestinian workers and employees.
Following 'Awadallah's escape, the Israelis also began a massive manhunt of 'Awadallah and Israeli intelligence officials have asked the Palestinians for clarifications on how the PA's most important prisoner had managed to escape.
While the search for 'Awadallah continues, Hamas leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin warned the Palestinian Authority on August 16 that Hamas is holding the PA responsible for 'Awadallah's safety. “If anything happens to 'Awadallah it will be the responsibility of the Palestinian Authority since he was arrested by its men,” Yassin said.
Meanwhile, a statement issued by Hamas on August 16 expressed concern that 'Awadallah's escape was staged as part of a plot to kill him. “We warn the Palestinian Authority over the possibility that its allegations regarding the disappearance of 'Awadallah are a first step towards targeting him,” the statement said.
Both Hamas and 'Awadallah's family have laccused the Preventive Security of torturing 'Awadallah in order to find the whereabouts of his brother 'Adel as well as get him to confess to the assassination of Sharif. But a delegation of Palestinian Legislative Council members who visited 'Awadallah three weeks ago have found no evidence of torture. Palestinian security services contend that 'Adel 'Awadallah, suspected of making the bombs used in the 1997 bombings in Jerusalem, and his brother Imad are responsible for the death of Sharif.
Security officials have long maintained that Sharif was killed as a result of an internal power struggle inside Hamas. The 'Awadallahs and Sharif allegedly disagreed over the activities of Hamas underground cells in the West Bank, including disagreements on the use of foreign funds, and Palestinian officials have charged that Imad 'Awadallah shot Sharif before another Hamas activist, Ghassan Adassi, 19, allegedly booby-trapped the car in which Sharif's body was placed, to make it appear that he was killed in the car explosion. Hamas released a leaflet this week, denouncing the Palestinian intelligence agencies' “allegation” of 'Awadallah's escape, and saying that it was holding “the Authority and its agencies responsible for his health and well-being.” Hamas further warned the Authority against “these allegations proving to be the forerunner of an attempt on ['Awadallah's] life.”
Like 'Awadallah, Adassi was arrested following Sharif's death and is still being held without trial. The two are one of 42 suspected Hamas activists detained following Sharif's assassination. According to the World Organization Against Torture, of the 31 Hamas member originally detained, one has been released and an additional 12 arrested were from al-Najah University in Nablus.
Adassi, a student at Birzeit University, was arrested last April from his home in al-Bireh by the Palestinian Preventive Security and is still being detained at a Preventive Security Prison. Since his arrest, Adassi has been held without trial and has been denied access to a lawyer.
Information received by the World Organization Against Torture indicates that Adassi has reportedly suffered from torture, including beatings, sleep deprivation and hanging from his hands. The report indicates that, according to a letter Adassi wrote, he confessed to being involved in the murder to Sharif only after being tortured. According to the Human Rights Action Project at Birzeit University, an estimated 850 political prisoners are currently being held by the Palestinian Authority.
by: Charmaine Seitz
Ziryab Cafe seems a little out of place on the raucous main street of Ramallah. Quiet and softly-lit, the art gallery and restaurant is of a different flavor than Baladna's tangerine walls and Heliopolis' frothy wedding gowns.
Even so, it is not alone. Ziryab is one of several bohemian hang-outs that have been cropping up in what is quickly becoming the social center of the West Bank. Matal Cultural Saloon, a cafe that shows films and hostas poetry readings, is just down the street.
Inside Ziryab, the mood is relaxed. “I am a regular customer here,” says Jihad Abu Baker, 24, his curly hair a little longer than usual. “The service is good. Everything has a harmonic design.” A guitarist who studies at the Palestinian National Conservatory, Abu Bakr is attracted by music events held every Thursday and Saturday night.
It is the artists and intellectuals of Palestinian society that form the core of Ziryab's clientel. The cafe is owned by Tayseer Barakat, a Gazan artist whose inks and woodwork have toured the world. These days, the muted brown and charcoal shades of his art line the cafe walls. Vera Tamari, Sliman Mansour and Mahmoud Hourani, as well as a French artist have all shown pieces here.
The art, says Barakat, is really the reason the cafe exists at all. “I help pay for the art from the cafe,” he explains, saying profits from coffee and sandwiches goes into the gallery's lighting and overhead. “The other reason for the cafe is to make an atmosphere for the art. In time, it does something for the people.”
That kind of appreciation for artwork seems rare in the West Bank and Gaza, where politics has had precedent for so long. “I'm not so interested in the art,” says Shadi, a Birzeit student visiting the cafe for the first time. He came here to study with Huda, who frowns. “I really don't understand it,” she admits, looking around at Barakat's work.
Barakat says the Palestinian indifference towards visual expression can be frustrating. “This problem is a serious one. It started for me when I was a student,” says Barakat, who was trained in Alexandria, Egypt. But “we have to do what we are supposed to do, without deciding that if people don't appreciate it, we will stop.”
Barakat says that exhibitions outside the country are satisfying because he feels that he can at least communicate a Palestinian message to the rest of the world. But Ziryab Cafe is one sign that visual art is becoming more important in Palestinian daily life. Barakat's work shows how this trend is only a continuation of the Palestinian story. “In general, I am very interested in old civilization and magic in this area,” he explains. Barakat tells of pulling wood from the garbage and burning it or staining it to make his most recent three dimensional art. Shelved wooden army boxes stamped with Hebrew were the base for a piece retelling the life of his recently-deceased refugee father.
The cafe, open now for two years, has attracted enough art lovers to keep its doors open. “Some people know very well what we are doing,” smiles Barakat slowly. And for him, that's enough.
by: Talal Okal
May 4 of next year constitutes the turning point in political thinking shaped by the apparent obligations of what has been defined as the end of the “transitional stage” in the Oslo Accords.
While the question remains as to whether or not there has been full implementation of the interim phase commitments, what is certain is that this date will mean the end of the political and legal frame of reference for this stage on the Palestinian level which created borders for the occupying authority and the Palestinian authority, defining their jurisdictions, authority and duties.
One aspect of the Palestinian-Israeli differences over the Oslo Accords is the identification of the characteristics of the post-transition phase. The Israelis are seeking to wipe out any differences between the transitional and final phase, ensuring the continuation of negotiations without specifications or time restrictions, and limitations on the Palestinians in every area, so they would take unilateral actions in issues of final status.
Meanwhile, the Palestinians would rather cling to the results of the transitional stage, no matter how modest, in order to create a dividing line between the transitional and final stages which will entail, as a first step, the declaration of the establishment of their state. This, if it takes place on time, will open a path in the struggle which is not solely confined to negotiations. I do not think the Israelis will allow this to happen.
The Israeli government may ultimately be forced to soften its position in order to block what is an increasing likelihood of the Palestinians declaring their state next May. In other words, the “predictions” of the Israeli defense minister may come true, when he said that the steps of redeployment will no doubt be taken, telling the German weekly Focus that the matter has basically been agreed and that the “...negotiations only revolve around the issue of areas of withdrawal.” The PA denies Mordechai's claims of progress, but would welcome such a development. And so the PA continues to talk about the stalemate in negotiations and the potential dangers if things stay the way they are now, and that it will resort to declaring a state next year.
The Palestinian Authority, therefore, is continuing its pressure to force Netanyahu and his government to stop stalling and to consent to an acceptable settlement on redeployment.
But the Israeli government is in no hurry. The US administration is busy now with “Monicagate” and is getting tired of its inability to achieve a breakthrough in the peace process. And the Palestinian Authority insists on applying only slight pressure, which only makes the Israelis take longer to think and act. In the face of this pressure, which the Palestinians use to express their exhausted patience...David Bar Ilan, Israeli prime minister Netanyahu's director of communications, said on August 15 that “Israel is preparing different plans on the political and military levels to respond to the PA in case it declares a Palestinian state next May.”
But Israel is not going to wait until next May. It will have various preventive alternatives to which it can resort in the coming months. Perhaps one of these will be their agreement to a settlement also accepted by the Palestinians which would consequently serve their purpose of extending the period of negotiations and bypassing next May, therefore also bypassing the transitional stage and moving on into what is called the final status phase.
This means that the PA is not sure that it will take the gamble of declaring a state next year. Such a move depends on the Israeli responses to issues which arise prior to May 1999. In any case, the best thing is for the Palestinians to prepare themselves for the declaration of the state, which has not been done. The declaration of a state calls for a different internal Palestinian situation, whether on the level of political or popular activity, national factions, or related to institution-building and performance, doing what is needed in order to face emergencies. A historical declaration on this level calls for historical positions and historical actions. And although the Palestine National Council already declared independence in 1988, with all the differences in circumstances, to declare the establishment of a Palestinian state this time depends on completely different commitments, which cannot be ignored or viewed simplistically. Whether the PA just wants to pressure Israel in order to move the peace process along or to actually take the step of declaring a state next year, true preparations for such a declaration would be the best way to achieve a specific goal. And in any case, the matter should be discussed within the context of Palestinian national interests.
This commentary first appeared in al-Ayyam on 18 August, 1998. Translated by J. Baker.