Whose Rhetoric is Inciting?

by: ‘Abdallah 'Awad

It is unclear whether it is still in the interests of Palestinians and Israelis, engaged in another game of brinksmanship, to maintain the mutually beneficial pressures that offset the possibility of a total explosion. The question becomes, will the “chains” of mutual deterrence break at any moment? Sometimes the possibility of an explosion seems very distant indeed. Usually when there is even the smallest breakthrough in the negotiations we think that crisis has been averted; sometimes, however, a blowout looks dangerously close. The new Israeli conditions could increase the possibility of an explosion, as the Palestinians may respond to Israeli provocations. The situation could be defused, however, if Tel Aviv suspends these new conditions.

The complexity of the situation, which both sides are deliberately trying to ignore, hinges on the difficulties that arise from a continuing occupation that engenders resistance. Despite all the agreements and resolutions that Israel and the Palestinians have signed, the occupation and resistance continue. This contradiction was revealed in the Wye River Memorandum, which contains various references to the internal Palestinian situation (the resistanc) but does not contain clear reference to the occupation or to the heart of the settlement problem. In the joint American-Palestinian-Israeli anti-incitement meeting the Israelis made clear that the Wye agreement, and the issue of anti-incitement in particular, refers to the Palestinians alone, revealing a structural imbalance in the negotiations.

Through these texts, the occupying country, Israel, seeks to end “resistance” in all its forms, even vocal protests. This was apparent in Netanyahu's latest conditions in which he did not indicate an intention to end the occupation of Palestinian lands. In actuality, the opposite took place. Israeli foreign minister Ariel Sharon called on Israeli settlers to seize as many hilltops and Palestinian lands as possible. According to this formula, what Israel demands from the Palestinians is the “burial of the resistance” in all its forms, even the most peaceful ones. Israel offers nothing in exchange save promises to continue implementation of the two phases of redeployment as stipulated in the Wye memorandum. In addition Israel demands that the Palestinians abandon their central and historic goal of establishing an independent Palestinian state.

The Palestinians, by adhering to the political solution offered in the Wye River Memorandum, conceded much; actually all they could. But that was not enough to satisfy Netanyahu's appetite. He appears ready to deny the Palestinians the second pullback from the West Bank towns and villages as agreed upon at Wye. It is as if the Israelis want to push the Palestinians into the corner of surrender without giving up anything in exchange. Is this possible?

Without even discussing the incitement clause of the Wye memorandum and Netanyahu's conditions on the matter, it is known that the relationship between an occupation and resistance anywhere in the world is argumentative and strife-ridden. As long as there is an occupation in Palestine and settlement building continues, along with land confiscations, house demolitions, and arrests, then resistance is a natural result regardless of what agreements or documents are signed in the name of peace.

This notion goes beyond mere opinion and moves into the realm of “truth.” Resistance, historically speaking, is the result of occupation. Can an agreement, resolution or condition stop a Palestinian, whose land is going to be taken, from defending that land? The matter is very simple. By complicating it, the Israelis attempt to undermine the truth and have us all believe that the resistance is actually the reason for the occupation.

Sharon's call to seize lands, which the settlers answered only too quickly by seizing everything they could, represents the peak of “incitement.” This indictment to kill and commit acts of violence is within the framework of the conflict-resolution relationship between the two sides, part and parcel of the escalation of the conflict. Refusing to see this call for what it is may lead us to the false belief that the Palestinians are the violent ones, a dangerous flip side of the truth. How is it possible that directly after Sharon's call Netanyahu announced additional conditions, conditions that were beyond the framework of Wye, and upon which the Wye accords were suspended?!

To answer this, we must go back in time a bit. Many signs before Netanyahu went to Wye indicated that he did not intend to seriously negotiate. His maps were the biggest proof of that. He actually intended on returning from Wye without cutting a deal, believing that his public relations game was appropriate for any time and place, even the United States. And when he realized that the situation was not exactly as he wished it to be, especially in the face of the Americans earnest intention to put their interests before Israel's this time, he instructed the Shin Bet to fabricate a military operation in Beer Sheva to give him an excuse to return from Wye without an agreement.

These events indicated that Netanyahu and his government did not regard the negotiations at the Wye plantation as an opportunity to reach an accord, despite his belief that articles contained in the memorandum dealing with the internal Palestinian situation might push the Palestinians towards conceding to Tel Aviv's conditions. Sharon's call, directly after his return from Wye Plantation, goes far beyond incitement-it is a call for a new stage of violence and confrontation. And he knows very well that resistance is a condition that can not be subjected to resolutions and cannot be negotiated.

This is Israel's first attempt to drown the Wye memorandum in a circle of confrontation violent enough to give it the excuse to extricate itself from the agreement. However, the Palestinians, for many reasons, twice adopted the policy of self-restraint-once by not directly confronting Sharon's call to "take the hills" and once when Tel Aviv retreated from the signed text and maps by dividing the territory between Jenin and Qabatiya. Perhaps Netanyahu thought this policy would control the Palestinians; this is the reason he believed he could overstep the articles of the agreement and release criminals instead of political prisoners, as if Palestinians were waiting and negotiating for criminals! But the reaction to the issue of prisoners has been, historically, one which can not be controlled. It is an emotional issue, before it is an emotional one, able to move the Palestinian street, whatever the agreements may be.

Tel Aviv knows this well. Perhaps the policy in the past of “releasing” a few prisoners at “holiday” time every now and then is an indication of their awareness of this. The attitude of the Netanyahu government since the signing of the Wye River Memorandum indicates that its goal is to escape implementing it. Perhaps that is the reason why the Americans have reservations over Netanyahu's conditions.

This piece first appeared in al-Ayyam on December 6, 1998. Translated by Joharah Baker.

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This is another in the series of interviews Palestine Report is publishing on an occasional basis. In speaking with Palestinians from different circumstances “ West Bank, Jerusalem; men and women; refugees and non-refugees; Muslim and Christian “ Palestine Report is providing a forum of expression of the wide range of experiences and opinions in the Occupied Territories. This week Palestine Report's Fanny Germain speaks with Amin Ghosheh, a vocational educational expert.

The right to education is not only an important concept emphasized by the International Covenant on Cultural, Economic and Social Rights of 1966. It is fully recognized as a human right to which all people are entitled, it constitutes a fundamental step in the development of a society and is a solid pillar of democracy and freedom.

PR: What is the mandate of the Expert Team on Vocational Education?

AG: Supported by the Swiss government and primarily under the umbrella of the Ministry of Labor, but also functioning under the Ministries of Education and High Education, our mandate consists in helping to develop the vocational and technical training system of educational institutions such as technical colleges and private schools. We also assist industries through partnership with labor unions and chambers of commerce and industry. Our supervisor is the Advisory Council composed of 90 representatives of Palestinian ministers.

PR: Exactly who are the target beneficiaries of your policy?

AG: Given the large scope of our operations, we deal with many authorities and systems. Basically, the direct beneficiaries are the training policy makers and planners at the various ministries, curriculum developers, heads of training institutions and trainers in training institutions or industries. Furthermore, thousands of students will benefit indirectly from our mission by getting access to improved teaching materials and training facilities.

PR: Why was such a policy needed? What were the problems you faced?

AG: First of all, no platform existed for coordination and cooperation among all parties involved in the training process, and this led to duplication, contradiction aabuse of the system's resources and strengths. Then, industry and business are not involved in all levels of the training process, leading to a system which is not demand driven and does not address the needs of society. Furthermore, the Vocational Training Centers in Palestine use old, rigid, and, in several cases, unsuitable curricula and training methods; this leads to an ineffective training system. Finally, most of the training centers, private and public, lack modern training machinery and equipment, which in turn influences the quality and relevance of training. For these reasons, we work for a unified, efficient, effective and sustainable system able to meet the needs of the Palestinian labor market, not the Israeli market as it was during the Israeli occupation.

PR: Precisely, how is educational training linked with the economic situation?

AG: Economic development depends on human resources, especially in Palestine, because of the lack of natural resources (no access to substantial amounts of water due to the political situation, no petrol, non timber, no coal, no natural gas...). Palestine is a rich country in terms of religion, history and geography. Its moderate climate and its variety of geographical sites make it attractive to tourism. However, the development of such a market is possible only through developing agriculture and industry by education and by supporting the community with trained workers, specialists and technicians.

As a matter of fact, the social, political and economic situation affects the training policy and vice versa. For instance, certain industries have new machines and need our help training their workers to deal with new technologies and their administrative management staff. But I wish that the industry would participate on a more immediate level as well as financially in the project so that they really involve themselves and take responsibility; it should not come unilaterally from the government, which is what does on now.

Training does not create jobs but rather improves the situation of individuals, and the capacity of factories and farms. It also encourages foreign investment, as occurred in Asia for instance. Due to this, Palestinian authorities give the highest interest and priority to develop our human resources, as the World Bank, the European Union and other donors do.

PR: What is the role of international organizations and foreign countries in this matter?

AG: They bring their direct and indirect support through financial help and staff of experts. For example many organizations offered us the opportunity to train the key personnel in Europe thanks to scholarships. Generally we have good relations with international organizations such as ILO (International Labor Organization), the World Bank, UNESCO, UNDP (United Nations Development Program)...There is in particular a cooperation between the Ministry of Labor and several German organizations like Hanz Heizel Foundation and coordination with Austrian organizations such as North West Organization.

PR: What is the proper education for the new generation and for the building of a new society?

AG: Now we are replacing the old Jordanian Egyptian and Israeli curricula with a Palestinian one which has three main directions : the first one deals with a psychological approach suitable for human development. The second direction is economic: to be competitive and to help building a modern technological society from a scientific viewpoint. The third perspective addresses human rights through the quest for democracy and equality. We also want to focus on a plural society in which all kinds of workers and tasks are respected and recognized as having the same worth. Indeed, we can blame a certain snobbism recently within the Palestinian society toward non intellectual jobs, here everybody wants to be a lawyer, an engineer, a doctor...

PR: Regarding Israel, is there any interference or censorship from its part?

AG: Israelis always interfere indirectly by different means such as laws, agreements and money. The problem is the following: Palestinian authorities inherit a system of training aimed only at favoring the Israeli labor market by semi-skilled Palestinian workers who are trained to be useful to the Israeli economy rather than reinforcing Palestinian society. They want to build industrial zones in West Bank with Palestinian workers but under Israeli leadership and for Israeli profit. While they encourage the participation of donors for such projects, Palestinians will remain mere workers under Israeli control unable to build a new society and get the benefit from it.

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by: Ghassan Khatib

The Palestinians seem to be divided, to a large extent, on how to view the first visit of an American president to Palestinian territory. The officials seem to be not only emotionally excited but are under the impression that this visit is substantially important and embodies indirect US support to a Palestinian state, in addition to a belief that the visit reflects the strength of American-Palestinian relations. That is why Palestinian officials stress that the most needs to be made out of this visit, hence officials are planning a warm and energetic reception for the President.

The public's feeling about this visit is completely different, however. Palestinians at large care less about this forthcoming event and appear to be increasingly critical of President Clinton and the American administration on the eve of this visit. A major reason for this is that the Palestinian public's attitude towards Israel and the United States is strongly connected to each other and as long as Israel continues the certain attitudes and practices that constantly invite criticism from the Palestinian public, i.e. settlement expansion, Israeli violence and lack of respect for the agreements, this will also leave negative repercussions on Palestinian's perception of the United States and its president.

One of the reasons the Palestinian leadership and the public differ in their attitude towards the United States presidential visit is that one gives more weight to symbols, the other to substance. This visit by Bill Clinton carries symbolic meanings and connotations which basically characterize the American-Palestinian relations. This is why the American actions towards Palestinians usually take the form of gestures, such as receiving Yasser Arafat in the White House and treating him like a president. This visit does not give Palestinians much beyond these platitudes. In return for symbolic gestures, the Palestinians are required to give up substantial concessions like abrogating certain articles in their national charter and accepting the American proposal that led to the Wye compromise.

The public does not benefit from these symbolic gestures. Instead, they see that in spite of these gestures including this visit which the Americans are “giving” to the Palestinians, and in spite of the indirect remarks American officials might make regarding Israeli violations to the peace process, the US still treats Israel like a spoiled a child. Thus Israel is able to disrespect the signed agreements and violate Palestinian human rights, continue settlement expansion and encourage right-wing terrorist tendencies among settlers. All this is possible as a result of the substantial military, economic, diplomatic and political support of the United States to Israel.

While the US is free to determine its own Middle East foreign policy priorities, including substantial support of Israel and symbolic support to Palestine, it will meet with difficulties when trying to play the role of a neutral broker and sponsor of the peace process “ one which enjoys the respect of both parties in the conflict “rather than maintaining its unbalanced approach to the conflict as at present. This contradiction will reveal itself, for while Bill Clinton will enjoy the sight of Palestinians raising the America flag next to the Palestinian one, other Palestinians will either be burning those same flags or being prevented from doing so in other parts of Palestine.

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Activities for Prisoners

The Palestinian Prisoner's Club announced its schedule of activities in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners inside Israeli prisons. Solidarity activities are scheduled as follows: December 5 “ The commencement of hunger strike in all Palestinian districts; a press conference and solidarity march in Ramallah; December 7 “ Popular marches at noon in all districts; December 9 “ General strike in all districts on the anniversary of the Intifada; December 11 “ Call on sheikhs to devote Friday sermons to the prisoner issue and to proceed with marches from the mosques to city centers; December 12 “Marches for children of prisoners and school children in all cities; December 14 “General strike in all districts and a letter sent to President Clinton upon his arrival in Palestine calling for the release of prisoners; December 15 “Children's march at Manger Square in Bethlehem (al-Quds).

Civil Strife

On December 7 approximately 200 Fatah followers from Balata Refugee Camp stormed the old Nablus prison which now houses the special police force in protest against the police dispersal of a march earlier in the day in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners. The clashes resulted in 11 injured youths and one policeman (al-Quds).

Pressuring Clinton

Israel has requested that US president Bill Clinton reconsider travel plans in his forthcoming vis, including flying into Gaza International Airport on December 12. An Israeli official stated that Israel fears such a move would encourage Palestinian aspirations towards an independent state. Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu said on Israeli radio that if Clinton lands in Airforce One at Gaza International Airport it will constitute a recognition of Palestinian sovereignty. Israel has requested that Clinton arrive in Gaza by helicopter, a condition to which, Israeli sources claim, the White House has agreed. (al-Quds).

Troubled Insurance

Mohammed Sab'awi, director-general of the Palestinian Insurance Companies Union, warned of a possible collapse in the insurance industry, stating that its total losses reached NIS30 million in 1997. A recent World Bank report revealed that three Palestinian insurance companies are already facing bankruptcy. Sources note that the Arab Insurance Institute has handed over its administration to the PA due to financial loss (al-Quds).

Ten-Year Coma

Sixteen-year-old Loulou Abu Dahi from Rafah, Gaza died on December 5 after spending 10 years in a coma as a result of a bullet wound to the head. The Palestinian Center for Human Rights accused Israel of using excessive and arbitrary force, as Abu Dahi was merely standing on her balcony when shot by Israeli soldiers in 1989 (al-Quds).

Censoring TV

Palestinian Muslims and Christians reacted strongly to Israeli's decision to ban transmission of televised Christmas celebrations from the Church of Nativity and programs from al-Aqsa mosque if they include any Palestinian “references or signs.” Such references may include mention of the name 'Palestine.' Director of al-Aqsa mosque, Sheikh Mohammed Hussein, said the decision is blatant interference in Muslim affairs, while Ibrahim Qandalaft, in charge of Christian Affairs in the Palestinian Waqf Ministry, called the decision an attempt to “shut out the voice of God,” noting that Palestinians cannot accept Israeli censorship (al-Quds).

Kidnapped

Gazan resident Ahmad 'Abdel Hamid accused his Russian ex-wife Irina Lebedel of abducting their 10-year-old daughter Dirin from her grandmother's house in Khan Younis. According to 'Abdel Hamid, his ex-wife came to visit her daughter on December 5. That day she kidnapped the child, taking her to the Russian Representative Office in Gaza. The Russian Office issued Lebedel and her daughter a travel permit and transported her to the Russian Embassy in Tel Aviv where she and Dirin are currently staying. 'Abdel Hamid has appealed to Palestinian president Yasser Arafat and to various local and international human rights organizations to help return his daughter (al-Quds).

Anticipating Riots

Israeli sources confirmed that thousands of Israeli police officers will be trained in crowd control as part of Israel's preparation for a Palestinian declaration of independence next May 4. During two and three-day sessions, officers will be trained on the use of tear gas, rubber-coated metal bullets, batons and live ammunition. According to police sources, the Border Police will receive the majority of training and, should rioting break out, be responsible for crowd control . (Ha'aretz).

Welcome to Air Palestine

The first Palestinian flight returned to Gaza International Airport from Amman on December 5. The 42 passengers on board were delayed 90 minutes upon arrival in Gaza,however, due to a new Israeli policy of charging customs fees at Rafah Crossing, instead of inside the airport. Passengers on the initial flight from Gaza to Jordan also suffered a four hour delay due to a dispute between Palestinians and Israelis over security inspection procedures. A Palestinian official said that Israelis tried, in violation of the agreement, to conduct security inspections in the Gaza airport (al-Ayyam).

Collecting Weapons

The PA announced on December 6 that it has begun collecting unlicensed weapons. Brigadier Mahmoud Asfour declared that the 15-day deadline to hand in unlicensed weapons has passed, saying that according to Palestinian law the maximum penalty for possessing unlicensed weapons is three years in prison and a fine of US$7,500. Asfour added that a number of citizens have handed in their weapons over the last two weeks, although he did not give exact figures on the number of unlicensed weapons remaining in the PA territories (al-Hayat al-Jadida).

Sick Prisoners Strike

Twenty ill Palestinian political prisoners in Ramleh Israeli prison have joined the hunger strike, begun last week, to protest Israel's refusal to release them. The prisoners sent a letter to the Prisoner Society declaring their participation in the hunger strike and intention to refuse medication (VOP).

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While Israeli troops have redeployed to the edge of the Gaza Strip and from all or part of seven West Bank cities, the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory is by no means finished. The JMCC seeks to keep a record of acts of Israeli violence (both military and civilian), and collective punishment. The following figures for December 3 - 9 were compiled from the Palestinian press and JMCC sources. They should not be considered a complete list of the ongoing Israeli violations of human rights of Palestinians.

DIED Twenty-year-old Naser Erekat from Abu Dis, declared clinically dead after being shot in the head by an Israeli settler.

DEMOLISHED Several homes in the Jordan Valley by Israeli army troops.