February 19, 1999 - VOL 5 NO 34
by: Alessandra Antonelli
The serenity created by grief over the loss of King Hussein hasn't lasted long. While the international media emphasized how leaders forgot their aged conflicts before King Hussein's coffin, Nayef Hawatmeh one such protagonist, was expelled from the Damascus-based Palestinian opposition. Hawatmeh, secretary-general of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, was found guilty of shaking the president of Israel, Ezer Weizman's, hand.
The PA spread rumors that they might invite Hawatmeh to Palestine. Since the PA did not send an official request to the Israelis asking for his return, political observers regard the leaks as an attempt to feel out Israel's position on the matter. If the PA was testing Israel's response, the results are decisively negative. Though promising to consider the idea, the Israelis have leaked, through unofficial channels, that Hawatmeh's return is "out of the question."
The PA received another "no" this week as well, this time from the newly appointed King Abdallah of Jordan. During the Fateh regional conference in Hebron, President Arafat asked Jordan to join the Palestinians in a future confederation among "brother people." The Jordanians gently rebuffed the idea, though leaving the door open for further consideration. King Abdallah suggested that statehood was requisite to confederation and declined the proposal, as his late father had. An official Jordanian statement said that Jordan it is not interested in a confederation at present because Palestinians should pursue their legitimate rights on their soil " an independent state and full sovereignty.
Jordanian foreign minister Abdul Ilah al-Katib, asserted that the Jordanian position on confederation has not changed since the '80s, when the issue was first agreed upon, but will be opened to discussion again when the Palestinian question is completely solved. Political analysts viewed Arafat's request as a way to sound out the new king policy's toward the Palestinians and a way to highlight the fact that negotiations have been frozen since the Wye agreement.
Good news came from overseas, however. The Palestinian-US joint committee began official bilateral relations " the first sign of Palestine acting as an independent political entity, which could lead to a future state.
Two the main topics on the agenda, according to Hassan Abdel Rahman, Palestine Liberation Organization representative to Washington: the Palestinian diplomatic representation in the United States and the economic ramifications of Palestinian-US trade and business. Indeed, the committee has already overseen results: a recently-passed US law abrogates the tariff on Palestinians products sold in the American market.
"We have concluded the meeting with the creation of an High Committee headed by Yasser Arafat and [US secretary of State] Madeline Albright," explained Palestinian chief negotiator Saeb Erekat. "There will be secondary committees, on different topics that will work on regular basis and a guiding committee headed by Palestine Liberation Organization secretary Mahmoud Abbas and [the under-secretary of State for Middle Eastern Affairs] Martin Indyk."
Waiting for a declaration of state, the Palestinian ministerial committee on Jerusalem, reaffirmed that nothing less than a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital is acceptable. While the 4th of May loses its modest attribute as a calender day and assumes the character of a vital symbol " the Palestinian state "a new date has captured the headlines this week, the 7th of March. This date has been chosen by the Palestinian Legislative Council as Democracy Day. In fact, it was the March 7, 1996 that the PLC was officially appointed.
by: Muna Hamzeh-Muhaisen
Amid protests from Israeli human rights groups, Israeli president Ezer Weizman decided on February 3 to commute the sentence of five Israeli civilians jailed for murdering 10 Palestinians in separate incidents between 1990 and 1993. Weizman's decision coincides with Israeli charges that the PA released Palestinians with "blood on their hands," a reference to five of the 37 political prisoners released from PA jails in mid-January. Israel claims these prisoners were involved in suicide bombings that killed dozens of Israeli and American citizens.
The PA's denial of these charges was reportedly accepted by the CIA representative in the region; US State department spokesman James Rubin also told reporters in Washington on February 1 that the US doesn't have any information to confirm that the released prisoners were involved in the killing of Americans. Angered by Washington's response, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu challenged the CIA to disprove his claims. Two days later, and at the request of Israel's Justice Minister Tsahi Hanegbi, Weizman ordered the partial presidential pardon of the five Israeli prisoners. In justifying his request, Hanegbi was quoted by AFP on February 3 saying that in recent years "thousands of Palestinian prisoners convicted of anti-Israeli attacks had been released."
But have they? According to the Israeli human rights group B'Tselem, Palestinians killed 91 Israeli civilians in the Occupied Territories during the Intifada. As a result, Israeli courts convicted 24 Palestinians and sentenced them to life imprisonment; 9 are in Israeli jails waiting to be indicted; 21 are also in Israeli jails waiting for their court cases to be processed, and Israeli undercover units killed 10 .
Israeli civilians, on the other hand, killed 113 Palestinians in the Occupied Territories during the Intifada,but only two were convicted and sentenced to life in prison. B'Tselem points out that in both cases Israel's president reduced the sentence to 13 and 15 years respectively. As for the remaining cases, 38 files were closed without initiating any legal proceedings while the remaining 73 Israelis were convicted of lesser offenses.
And now, as a result of Weizman's partial presidential pardon, Ami Popper, who killed seven Palestinian laborers near Tel Aviv in a shooting in 1990, had his sentence reduced from life to 40 years, while Nehemia Michbaum, who was serving a 12-year sentence for killing an elderly Palestinian man by throwing a hand grenade into an East Jerusalem market in 1992, had his sentence reduced to 10 years. Yoram Skolnik had his sentence reduced from 15 to 11 years. Weizman previously commuted his sentence to 15 years from life in prison for shooting a bound Palestinian who was captured after stabbing an Israeli settler in 1993. Yehodav and Eitan Kahalani, jailed for the attempted murder of a Palestinian, also had their sentence reduced from 12 to eight years.
In the face of discrimination inherent to Israeli policy, Palestinians were further disheartened when a their own court, a Palestinian military tribunal, sentenced a Hamas activist to life in prison with hard labor for killing two Israeli settlers in separate incidents in the West Bank last October. The defendent, Jamil Jadallah, strongly denies any membership in Hamas. He was sentenced on February 11, however, three days after being recaptured by Palestinian police following his escape in December from a Palestinian Authority jail in Nablus.
Under pressure by Israel and the U.S. to crack down on Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the PA has arrested numerous Islamic activists since signing the Wye River Memorandum. In addition, Palestinian human rights gindicate that 137 political prisoners have been held in PA jails in the West Bank for over a year without charge or trial; an unspecified number are also held in Gaza.
This figure pales by comparison with the nearly 3,000 political prisoners currently held in Israeli jails, especially as Israel hasn't shown any commitment to seriously addressing their release. Under the terms of Wye, Israel agreed to release 750 Palestinian prisoners over a period of three months, but the first wave of 250 prisoners released last December included 150 common criminals, leaving the Palestinians uncertain of the number of political prisoners Israel will ever set free.
While Palestinians are careful to distinguish between the issue of political prisoners held by Israel and those being held by the PA, making such a distinction is difficult, if not impossible, for the families of PA-held prisoners. These families can understand why Israel would hold many of their husbands and sons without charge or trial, but they cannot understand how their own Palestinian leadership could do the same.
Perhaps indicating the level of frustration felt by the prisoners' families, hundreds of protestors, including women and children, stormed the PA police headquarters in Jericho on February 12. They demanded the release of five prisoners, including four Hamas activists and a member of the PFLP, who have been on a hunger strike since January 30 to protest their detention without charge or trial. Although the protestors exchanged blows with Palestinian police officers, no shots were fired and the protestors left quietly. The incident occurred one day after the prison administration denied visitation rights to the families of two prisoners.
Nearly 50 of the 64 prisoners at the Nablus jail initiated this latest hunger strike on January 24. So far, six prisoners at the Nablus jail have been hospitalized after collapsing; however, the prisoners were transferred back to prison some days later after refusing medication and vowing to continue their hunger strike. Twice demonstrations supporting the striking prisoners were staged in Nablus. The latest protest on February 12 drew a crowd of nearly 1,000 people. According to the Jerusalem human rights group LAW, political prisoners at the Nablus jail staged three hunger strikes between November 1997 and March 1998 for a period of approximately 55 days.
These recent demonstrations, however, are unlike the mass demonstrations and hunger strikes held in solidarity with political prisoners who went on a hunger strike in Israeli jails last December. These demonstrations were held in nearly all the major Palestinian towns. No similar popular action toward solidarity is visible this time. In what appeared to be a delayed reaction on February 1 Hamas spiritual leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin announced that he was going on a hunger strike to show of solidarity with the striking prisoners. The announcement came one day after Yassin called on the Palestinian people to fast for one day and pray for the release of Hamas and Islamic Jihad prisoners.
The PA's failure to file charges against political prisoners or present them in court has angered Hamas supporters and the Palestinian Legislative Council equally. In a stormy session on January 13, the PLC passed a decision calling for the prohibition of political detention and the immediate release of those detained for political reasons. The PLC also demanded a special committee to monitor the implementation of legislation and follow-up with the minister of justice and the minister of parliamentary affairs.
Palestinian press reports on February 15 indicate that President Arafat has already appointed a committee headed by Justice Minister Freih Abu Medein and includes the head of the General Intelligence Service Amin Hindi to study the file of every political prisoner and submit recommendations on which prisoners should be released.
by: Khader Khader and Mousa Qous
While Israelis are busy with the electoral primaries, all eyes are watching the Palestinians and what their plans are for May. In all likelihood May will be a tumultuous month, with a proposed declaration of the Palestinian state coinciding neatly with Israeli elections. Recently, however, the Palestinians have retreated slightly in declaring their intent to call a state on May 4. (Mubarek pointed out that this would be the biggest possible gift to Netanyahu). However, if the Palestinians renege on their decision, they will pay a heavy a price. Palestinian head negotiator, Saeb Erekat, said if the date is going to be changed, it should be changed with the approval of the countries that witnessed the signing of Palestinian-Israeli agreements. He was referring, of course, to the convocation of an international conference that could grant Palestinians some assurances on what the future map of Palestine would look like.
The Palestinians are placing high hopes on the emerging leadership of the Israeli Labor Party, following the internal party elections this week. The current stalemate in the peace process and the fact that figures like Yossi Beilin and Shimon Peres won their party's internal elections has a dual effect on the Palestinians. These Labor leaders support the bilateral decision to establish a Palestinian state, which encourages the Palestinians to look favorably on future negotiations with a Labor prime minister and reconsider the unilateral step of declaring the Palestinian independent state next May.
The current situation highlights the fact that the Palestinian leadership is reacting to events, without a concrete Palestinian strategy to address the issues at hand, such as the Palestinian state . The Palestinians must decide once and for all whether they want to declare a state in May, regardless of Netanyahu and Sharon's threats, and regardless of US approval. The Palestinians must also remember that the most important player in the Israeli political arena is the Israeli extremist right wing, which receives substantial support from influential Americans.
Looking back on the start of all the peace initiatives in which the Palestinians have been involved, it is clear that the Palestinians have not taken a single step alone. They have only signed agreements under US supervision and under the eye of regional players.
Palestinian preparations for May include a series of political maneuvers, such as reviving the idea of the confederation with Jordan. Both Palestinian and Jordanian officials made soothing statements that President Arafat's invitation to Jordan was only done to stress the unique relationship between both peoples. Nevertheless, the idea carries two connotations. First, a confederation could be seen as a reassurance that the Palestinian state, as part of a confederation, would not threaten Israel. Second, it could be a litmus test for the new Jordanian king by the Palestinians. The latter idea has been reinforced by Sheikh Ikrama Sabri, the mufti of Jerusalem, who is trying to transfer his offices in Jerusalem from the Islamic Waqf headquarters to the offices of the Jordanian mufti near the Aqsa courtyard.
Regardless of events around us, Palestinians must substantiate their efforts with the necessary steps that will strengthen their position, regardless of whether they declare a state. The most basic step should be to support national unity on the ground. The upcoming meeting between Arafat and Nayef Hawatmeh, secretary-general of the DFLP, is a good step in that direction. Releasing political prisoners is another. We need popular support for any future step if we are going to fight the next political battle.
Following are excerpts from the Palestinian Center for Human Rights 1998 report, issued in February 1999:
The year 1998 witnessed a dangerous escalation in the Israeli occupation authority's use of excessive force against Palestinian civilians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. In circumstances that posed no threat to the lives of Israelis, the occupation forces killed 23 Palestinians. Among this number was one child and one woman. Seven of tkilled were from the Gaza Strip while the other 16 were from the West Bank. In addition, hundreds of Palestinian civilians were injured as a result of live and rubber bullets. In most of the cases, the victims were injured above the waist, which proves that the shooting was done with the aim to kill. In three different events, four Palestinians were extra-judicially killed after they were accused by Israel of being members of Izz Eddin Al-Qassam, the military wing of Hamas.
During 1998 the Israeli settlers killed 11 Palestinian civilians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip and injured scores of others as a result of beatings, knifings, and shootings. Moreover, the Israeli occupation forces continued their settlement activities in the Occupied Territories. Such activities included building new housing units within the established settlements, expanding them, or building new settlements. Within this context, the occupation forces intensified their stealing and confiscating of Palestinian land for settlement purposes and for bypass roads to connect the settlements with Israeli land. Such activities came within the context of the Israeli government's attempts to create new facts on the ground and to disrupt the geographic unity of Palestinian land, thus creating a Palestinian ghetto surrounded by settlements as a means to prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state.
Moreover, the occupation forces continued in implementing collective punishment against Palestinian civilians in clear violation of international law. Israel continues in imposing the policy of closure on the West Bank and Gaza Strip - a policy that has led to disastrous results for the basic rights and freedoms of Palestinians, particularly the economic, social, and cultural rights of Palestinian civilians. The restrictions on the trading activities of the West Bank and Gaza Strip remain. Also, restrictions on Palestinian freedom of movement between the Palestinian areas or to foreign countries remain. These restrictions included limitations on labor, students, and medical patients. In addition, an internal closure was imposed on a number of cities and villages. The year witnessed the death of two citizens at Israeli military checkpoints in the West Bank as a result of the Israeli policy of closure and the prevention of patients being able to travel to
hospitals.
By the end of 1998, almost 2,500 Palestinian detainees were still in Israeli prisons. Among them, 100 detainees were administratively arrested without trial. Those detainees are subjected to inhuman living conditions and are suffering from medical neglect. During 1998, four Palestinian prisoners died in Israeli prisons, two of them as a result of Israeli medical negligence; a third was said by the Israeli occupation forces to have committed suicide. There is evidence that the fourth detainee died as a result of torture. This result is a regular outcome of Israeli policy against detainees. The policy aims at torturing the detainees, especially after the legalization of torture by the executive, judicial, and legislative authorities in Israel. As a result of this legalization, Israel is considered the only state in the world that has legalized torture.
During 1998 the defective aspects in PA practices remained and were exacerbated. Palestinian security forces continued carrying out illegal arresting waves against the opposition due to their political opinions. The year ended without releasing scores of citizenswho were arrested without proper legal procedures. A number of thesedetainees have been detained for approximately three years. In addition, 1998 recorded a number of cases in which detainees were subjected to different kinds of torture and inhuman treatment by Palestinian interrogators.
Contact numbers:
Telefax: 282-5893, 282-4776, or 282-3725
E-mail pchr@trendline.co.il