What will happen to the refugees?

by: Ziad Abu Nada and Ayman Jadallah

The Palestinian people have suffered under a series of wars throughout the last decades. As a result of these wars, the Palestinian people became victims of expulsion and deportation, eviction and displacement. Palestinians were not allowed to return to the homes they were kicked out of , despite the international resolutions granting them this right and despite the peace agreement Israel and the PLO signed.

The Palestinian exodus began in 1948 after the establishment of the state of Israel and the Arab-Israeli war. Israel used the policy of collective expulsion against a part of the Palestinian people and forced others to flee for fear of Jewish persecution. Moreover, Israel purposely committed several massacres in Palestinian villages to encourage its residents to leave.

Palestinian sources estimate that 726,000 Palestinians were displaced in the 1948 war. Some fled to other parts of Palestine not yet occupied by Israel, while the others fled to neighboring Arab countries such as Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. The UN issued resolution 194 stating that, "it has been decided to allow those refugees who wish to return to their homes and live in peace with their neighbors to do so in the soonest possible time."

In 1967, less than two decades after the first expulsion, Israel completed its occupation of the rest of Palestine. The cycle of displacement and expulsion started again for the Palestinians, increasing the number of refugees to 1.5 million outside the occupied territories. The number of refugees inside the West Bank, Gaza and Jerusalem was 1.2 million.

As a result of this war, the UN issued resolution 242 in 1967. The resolution stressed that, "there must be a fair solution to the refugee problem." In 1973, the UN General Assembly issued 3089 resolution; paragraph 28 stipulated, "Arab refugees shall enjoy the right of return to their properties and homes which is inevitable for the achievement of a just solution and for the right of the Palestinian people to practice their right to self-determination."

Although international law bans the deportation of citizens from their homeland, Israel has deported thousands of Palestinians outside of Palestine for "security" reasons. Perhaps one of the most notorious deportations of the last decade was Israel's attempt to deport 415 Palestinians from Hamas and the Islamic Jihad movements to Marj al-Zouhour in Lebanon. As a result of international pressure the attempt failed, and they returned to Palestine a year later.

Israel also did not spare any effort pursuing Palestinians outside their homeland either. In 1982, Israel attacked Lebanon to drive the Palestinians out of their refugee camps to other countries in the world. This invasion, the largest in Lebanon's history, became known as the third exodus.

After the Palestinians and Israel agreed to peace in Oslo, Palestinians hoped to return home. However, the dream has not been achieved yet. The 1948 refugee case has been postponed to final status negotiations. As for the 1967 refugees, who are supposedly the luckier of the two, only a few thousand were able to return with the Palestinian Authority as employees an

d policemen. A few thousand others returned under family reunification " granted only after prior consent from the Israelis.

Abeer Abdallah was born in 1971 in Algiers. Her family was first expelled from their village of Kokaba in the 1948 war after which they settled in the Gaza Strip. After the 1967 war, they were displaced again to Algiers where her family lives to this day. They have not been able to return despite submitting repeated applications for family reunification. Abeer says, "I came back to Gaza in 1994. However, the Israelis would not allow me to extend my residence in Gaza despite the fact that I am married to a Gazan and I am an employee in the Palestinian Authority. Since that day I have not been able to see my family in Algiers."

Abeer explains how her family applied many times for family reunification and was refused by the Israelis without valid reasons. "I also submitted a request for a Palestinian passport, but that was also refused by the Israelis in 1994. I submitted again in 1996 and I am still waiting for a repl."

This situation entails many problems. "I feel like I am in a huge prison. I cannot leave Gaza to go anywhere else because the Israelis control the crossings. If I get caught at one of the crossings, I could be deported out of Gaza. And if I go to Algiers to visit my family, the Israelis will not allow me to come back to my husband and two daughters."

Jamal Zaqout, member of the Palestinian negotiating team and director-general of the specialized committees in the civil affairs ministry says, "the crux of the solution to the Palestinian problem depends on two posits which are the land and the human being: the return of the land to its people and the return of its people to their land."

As for the situation of refugees in the Oslo Accords, Zaqout says, "it was agreed in Oslo to postpone the issue of the 1948 refugees to the final status talks. As for the '67 refugees, the agreement stipulated on finding different mechanisms for their return. A multilateral Palestinian-Israeli-Jordanian-Egyptian committee was formed for this purpose."

According to Zaqout, it was clear that the Israeli Labor government was trying to strip the committee of its content. So it concocted a number of restrictions for the definition of a displaced person, limiting the definition to those who are not allowed to return because of the occupation and those displaced after the war. He adds, "the definition presented by the Palestinians is that the displaced are those Palestinians who were registered in the Arab population records in 1967 and did not return to their homes."

Zaqout confirmed that the PA received an offer by the Labor government to allow some of these refugees to return in exchange for PA concessions over the rest. However, the PA refused this offer, stressing that all refugees have the right to return. The Likud government halted the work of this committee altogether. The issue is only discussed within the framework of the multilateral committee headed by Canada, but this committee only works on the rehabilitation of refugees and improvement of their living conditions in the camps.

He also stressed that the interim agreement signed in 1995 gives the PA the right to grant Palestinians citizenship and permanent residency, but the Israelis have refused to implement this article of the agreement.

Zaqout called on the international community and the Arab countries to support the Palestinian people's rights, including the right to return according to UN resolutions. He stressed that comprehensive peace between the two peoples will never be achieved unless the Palestinian people are granted an independent state.

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by: Abdallah Awad

Despite its modest economic and resource potentials, this question [of the death of King Hussein] does not solely involve Jordan, but incorporates Jordan's geo-political situation in relation to Palestine, the Jewish state, Iraq, Syria, the Gulf states, Europe and the United States. For this reason, his death surpassed the Jordan context and became a regional and international issue, not in the emotional sense, but in a comprehensive political sense.

Jordan emerged, as a state, amidst the changes brought on by World War I. It fixed itself on the political map, and weathered the changes of the World War II, including the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine. Israel's intent was that Jordan would become a place to transfer the Palestinian population, and a place for ridding the Palestinian cause of its context. This challenge faced the king throughout his long reign.

But this was only one of many challenges. The Syrians, who still hold tight to their policy of "greater Syria" are constantly looking towards Jordan with expansionist eyes, not necessarily to dissolve or directly appropriate it, but to control its decisions and policies.

The fact that Jordan borders Iraq is important. Iraq is a country that looks to its own ancient history and civilization. This is also a country that considers itself the only country capable of a strategic response to the occupation of Palestine. It is always urging Jordan to hold onto power and progress. Moving closer to Iraq aroused the anger of many countries in the region and in the world. Then when Jordan distanced itself from Iraq, it aroused its neighbor's anger.

According to this geo-political situation, Jordan found its foreign policy towards its neighbors, the Arabs and the international community in general, controlled by two main issues. The first issue is its desire to preserve its status as an independent entity; it is one of the few countries in the world that is driven by this motive. The second motive is economic, given that Jordan's material potential is at present so meager.

These two motives impelled Jordan not to sever ties with any neighboring countries, leaving the door open to Tel Aviv, Damascus and Baghdad. These concerns also justified quick foreign policy changes. During the 1948 and 1967 wars with Israel, Jordan distanced itself from military confrontation, then embraced it. Jordan's neutrality in 1973 angered its Arab neighbors; then its neutrality in the Gulf War in 1991 angered Iraq as well as other Arab states.

Jordan, throughout the past decades, has always found itself preoccupied by Israel's threat to its existence. This is why it has moved closer to the Arabs during wars and political milestones such as the Camp David Accords, which Jordan opposed, and the recognition of the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.

In its secret relationship with Tel Aviv, Jordan was driven by self-preservation and by concern over Palestinian national and political entanglements. It did not sign any peace agreements, even after Egypt did, until the Palestinians had signed the Oslo Accords.

With this policy, King Hussein succeeded in preserving Jordan despite all these dilemmas. His international relations also succeeded and served him well. Politically, he is affiliated with the West, but he did not distance himself from the Soviet Bloc to the point of alienation.

In short, Jordanian foreign policy towards its neighbors, the Arabs as well as other countries, has never been totally stable. The state has known moments of consistent policy marked by relatively dramatic reversals at certain points.

This political background has made the king's death a source of interest and also a source of worry. And although anxiety over Jordan's survival, a strong political concern in the past, has largely subsided, it will not end entirely as long as Israel does not come to terms with the Palestinian State on the lands it occupied in 1967. No doubt there is strong Arab and international support for Jordan as an independent entity, but this does not necessarily reassuring one hundred percent. As long as the political solution lies undetermined, the two parties (Jordanian and Palestinian) are still in some danger, regardless of the peace agreement signed between Tel Aviv and Amman.

Despite this, support for the stability of Jordan is a regional and international necessity, expressing itself in a variety of political and economic positions last week. The question is: how will King Abdallah deal with all the factors, which control Jordanian foreign policy, and how will he deal with his country's political and economic situation?

Several fundamental variables underlie the answer. Before delving into this, however, it should be taken into consideration the nature of the political system in Jordan. Like most Arab and third world countries, it puts both foreign and internal policies in the hands of the leader rather than civil or governmental institutions.

No doubt, the economic challenge is a priority, especially after the Jordanians discovered that the peace agreement with Israel did not translate into positive growth for the Jordanian economy. The slow economy fed the Jordanian political opposition even as people called for them to retreat a bit from their stance towards Israel.

It is the opposition, which calls for Jordan to align itself with the Arab political reality, which will have an impact on the policof the new King Abdallah. Jordan believed that getting closer to Israel and signing a peace agreement with them would bring Jordan an economic solution. The peace agreement distanced Jordan, however, from the Arab nationalists, and the country found itself, once again, in between a tepid economic peace with Israel and an equally tepid peace with the Arab countries. The Jordanian economy paid and is still paying the price.

The answer to the question of Jordan's future depends on King Abdallah's ability to deal with the complex issues facing him including sensitivity within the royal family, the economy, and the opposition.

What will the answers be? To find out, it is necessary to wait a bit longer. King Abdallah has been far from the political arena; his main focus was always on the military. Regional and international attitudes towards Jordan depend almost entirely on political support for the new king. They also depend on their attempts to pull Jordanian politics closer to their side. This is the point where it all depends on whether or not King Abdallah understands Jordanian interests. Is his understanding like his father's? Or does he have an understanding of his own?

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by: Fanny Germain

IIn 1997 al-Mamal Foundation for Contemporary Art was established, a non-profit cultural organization based in the Old City of Jerusalem. "The main idea," explains its director Jack Persekian, "is to revive cultural life in East Jerusalem in connection with the community." Indeed, it seems that the Arab community in the Holy City has been losing sight of its artistic soul over the years, isolated as it is by its contended political status. Fifty years of occupation have left many places deserted or neglected to the detriment of Palestinian cultural richness. In order to carry out its mission of public interest and provide a forum for Palestinian visual arts, al-Mamal supports three activities to enhance cultural life.

Al-Mamal publishes What's Up (Shou fi in Arabic), a monthly paper that covers cultural activities taking place in Palestine such as musical events, workshops, exhibitions, films, festivals, and excursions. Distributed for free to cultural centers, restaurants, bars and hotels, it promotes and informs Palestinians and tourists on Palestinian cultural life and can even serve as a launching point for further projects. Besides providing practical information on daily cultural events in Palestine, individuals and various organizations may also refer to What's Up as a touchstone for the diversity and the dynamism of Palestinian cultural life. In the long-term, What's Up is a valuable chronicle of Palestinian daily life and provides evidence of Palestinian artistic ingenuity. The program also provides local artists with a forum to publicize their work. Photographs taken by young Palestinians illustrate the cover of the January and February editions; and the March edition will show pictures of Baghdad taken by Awad Awad, a Palestinian photographer. As a next step al-Mamal hopes to include What's Up as a newspaper supplement to reach the widest possible audience.

Al-Mamal also hopes to rejuvenate artistic sensibilities among the Palestinians in Jerusalem with a photography workshop for teenagers. Started in cooperation with youth clubs in East Jerusalem, the photography workshop functions in partnership with youth centers, which previously concentrated on sport activities and little else. Jack Persekian points out that while looking for an activity that young people find attractive and which also would develop their artistic talents, they decided upon photography for two reasons. First, few if any affordable photography studios can be found in East Jerusalem or even in Palestine. Second, photography has a dual advantage. On one hand, it is an activity that propels the participants into their community and lets them discover the world in which they grew up through the perspective of the camera. The photographers can express their perception of society, develop their critical abilities, and reap the benefits of their own creativity. On the other hand, the photographer develops technical skills and a professional knowledge that may open the way to a future metier.

More than 50 trainees are coming to the workshop, members of the Silwan Club, the Mount of Olives Club, the Arab Orthodox Club, the YMCA of East Jerusalem, the Old City Youth Club and the African Community Club. Each of these clubs, as well as the al-Mamal Gallery are hosting the exhibition "30 x 40," presenting the young photographers' work. The program was such a success that many adults wanted to apply to the photography workshop, and the organizers are thinking about developing the program in other fields such as video.

Last, but not least, al-Mamal set up the "Artist in Residence Programme," inviting certain artists to come and live in East Jerusalem for a month. Al-Mamal provides them with resources and accommodation in the Old City. With financial assistance provided by the Ford Foundation and other private donors, al-Mamal is renovating an old factory near the New Gate. Set next the al-Mamal gallery, this space will provide a forum in which the community can gather in an artistic atmosphere to view, create and discuss cultural enterprises. In the spirit of cooperation and with a nod to the worthiness of artistic communication, Palestinians will have a unique opportunity to encounter artists originating from different cultures. Such a program will also benefit the guest artists who will be in touch with every day Palestinian life and sensibilities.

Naturally this experience will be translated into the work of both Palestinian and visiting artists. Jack Persekian notes that "such an exchange is vital to a community isolated from the rest of the world." Although worldwide attention is focused on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Palestinians do not have the same measure of access to artistry. Next month the artists Hassan Hourani, Zeo Leonard and Beat Streuli, who work in plastic, as well as the film maker Subhi Zobaidi, will participate in the artists in residence program.

Of course al-Mamal intends to expand into other activities to actively promote cultural life and personally involve Palestinians in the richness and diversity of their culture. Al-Mamal also represents a precious nexus between the outside world and the Palestinian community. For example it organized the Palestinian presentation in the Biennial of Sao Paulo (Brazil) last year. As a cultural reference point, Shou fi plays a fundamental role linking Palestinians separated by political obstacles and geographical divides. This project affirms that the Palestinians are entitled to their cultural rights, internationally recognized but until now weakly implemented. It is time to develop the cultural potential of Palestine, a task already undertaken by dynamic initiatives such as al-Mamal, and allow the Palestinian people to explore their cultural identity.

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by: Salah Al-Tamari

Usually, this is the time of year Saad el-Din looks forward to having his family around him. Saad el-Din is a Palestinian farmer near 60 years old from the village of Za'tara who owns a piece of land at the foot of Mount Herodian southeast of Bethlehem. To the villagers, Saad el-Din has always been known as the "Stone Termite." The nickname comes from a combination of his side trade " digging wells and caves to collect rainwater " and his ability to work so fast, despite his very short height and working with the most primitive tools. I thought people exaggerated until I myself hired him to dig a well for my home in Za'tara.

As did his father and grandfather and their fathers before them, Saad el-Din would work the land, preparing it for spring planting. Having his family around him softened the hard labor on the rocky soil. His sons joined in tilling and sowing his fields while his wife and daughters prepared food and tea or coffee. To the young family members, it was like a picnic. They picked the distinct flowersand herbs and observed the wildlife particular to this area. To Saad el-Din, the warmth created by the presence of his family eased the weariness that came from the hard work.

This past winter was different. In recent months Israeli settlers erected a new, illegal settlement at the edge of his land, setting up a bunch of white, square, character-less caravans, we Palestinians have come to call "ready-made mobile houses."

From day one, young men from this new settlement began harassing the nearby Palestinian villagers. A handful of settlers would show up on the Palestinian-owned land and start pushing and shoving the villagers, pointing guns at them and bringing in their dogs in an attempt to intimidate the Palestinians to leave land which had been in their families for generations. The obvious aim was to grab more property, most certainly to expand their newly founded colony or create yet another new one.

Desperate to hold on to the little land they have left but determined to avoid a violent confrontation, villagers, two weeks ago, set up a tent to peacefully protest the settlers' activities. The tent has since been manned around the clock.

This peaceful protest seems to have been too much for the settlers. The harassment has increased markedly " especially in the past few days. Just the other day a group of settlers, armed with machine guns and pistols, descended upon an unarmed group of Palestinians in the tent and demanded they tear it down and leave the area. It was only when hundreds of other villagers, hearing of their neighbors' plight, suddenly showed up in a display of peaceful solidarity that the settlers left.

It is only the villagers' restraint that has prevented the situation from escalating into a bloody confrontation.

Everyday in the past two weeks Saad el-Din has come to tend his land " as he always has " but this time he's come alone. He hasn't brought his sons " now grown to adulthood " because he fears that he may not be able to control them when they witness the actions of these settlers who behave like gangsters.

Today, Saad el-Din, followed the same pattern,coming to tend his land alone, when he was suddenly approached by a settler who, without provocation, threw him to the ground and started hitting him and kicking him with his heavy boots. He was rescued by an Israel soldier, who pushed the settler away.

Saad el-Dkin will survive. But he's in a lot of pain " both physical and emotional. As he limped home, bruised and broken hearted, he could only murmur to himself, "Thank God my sons were not there."

One wonders how much pain a human being can take before he strikes back.

Sincerely,

Salah Ta'mari

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Egyptian Mandela

Sixty-nine-year-old Egyptian Mahmoud al-Swarkeh was released from an Israeli prison due to his poor health on February 10 after spending 22 years in prison. The Egyptian, who was imprisoned on charges of spying, refused an earlier offer to return home to Egypt in exchange for Arab Israeli prisoner Azzam Azzam, in jail in Egypt on charges of espionage (al-Ayyam).

UN Tumult

The United Nations General Assembly voted on February 10 by an overwhelming majority for a resolution calling upon Israel to immediately halt all settlement construction in East Jerusalem. The General Assembly called on Israel to halt settlement activities on Mt. Abu Ghneim and demanded Israel to implement the Geneva Convention for 1949 which stipulates the protection of civilians in areas of conflict to be discussed in an upcoming conference, calling on all countries not to assist Israeli settlement activities. The United States, who besides Israel, was the only country opposing the vote (115-2) claimed that such a conference would "prejudice negotiations," and that enforcing Geneva Convention protections would not "improve the lot" of the Palestinian people (al-Quds, ADC news release).

Only Through Gaza

The decision made by the Waqf ministry in the PA to allow those Muslims traveling to Mecca on the Haj pilgrimage to only do so through Gaza international airport caused angry reactions among many. According to Mohammed Mushata, director of the Mushtaha Agency for Travel and Pilgrimage, many people would rather travel by land given that it is less costly. Sheikh Yousef Salameh, undersecretary of al-Waqf ministry, said the decision had political justifications, so as to reinforce Palestinian sovereignty and put the airport into full action. There will be a total of eight flights a day to Mecca from Gaza International Airport (al-Risala).

Tragic Death

Dr. Na'ela Qara'een, 48, from the Ras al-Amoud neighborhood in Jerusalem was killed after being stabbed in the chest several times near the Jerusalem Municipality building in al-Musrara quarter. Qara'een, a public health specialist in UNRWA, was killed by 23-year-old Mohammed Sha'lan from the village of Hizma who claims he thought Qara'een was an Israeli. After realizing she was Palestinian, Sha'alan turned himself into Israeli police, confessing his crime (al-Quds).

Overly Loyal

A Jordanian citizen of Palestinian origin committed suicide, just a few hours after the announcement of the death of King Hussein. According to his wife, 56-year-old cab driver Khaleel al-Nabulsi, killed himself after swearing that would not live a day longer after the passing away of King Hussein (al-Quds).

Sentenced to Life

Twenty-seven-year-old Jameel Jadallah from Hebron was sentenced to life plus 13 years by a Palestinian state security court on February 11. The life sentence was handed out in punishment for the killing of two Israeli settlers. Jadallah was also accused of endangering the security of the state which earned him ten more years and an additional three were also added to his sentence for escaping from a Nablus prison two months ago. Although Jadallah confessed to the charge of killing the two Israelis, he denied being a member of Hamas (al-Quds).

Gaza Face Off

Israeli and PA troops clashed on February 14 at a junction leading to the Gosh Katif settlement in Gaza. Apparently, an Israeli truck parked across from a Palestinian demonstration in protest of Israeli settlements. Palestinian police asked the Israelis, who were trying to disperse the demonstrators blocking the road, to move. When they refused, punches between the two sides ensued after which the two raised their guns at each other. Officials from both sides later arrived at the scene and ordered their troops to lower their guns (al-Ayyam, Ha'aretz).

The Good Doctor

Palestinian police arrested Hamas leading figure Dr. Mahmoud al-Zahhar on February 12 after summoning him for interrogation. According to Hamas officials, al-Zahhar was arrested on grounds that he provided medical treatment to a Palestinian wanted by the Palestinian police for involvement in the killing of Palestinian Captain Joudeh last month in a shootout between the PA police and members of Hamas. Hamas spiritual leader and founder Sheikh Ahmad Yassin called Zahhar's actions as a "humanitarian act" (al-Hayat al-Jadida).

More Mutual Agreements

Areas under the PA in the Jenin district signed a cross-border cooperation agreement in Haifa with towns in northern Israel, on February 15. The Israeli-Palestinian agreement includes joint projects in infrastructure, industry, environment, economics, community services, health, research, water, transportation and energy, aimed at promoting economic integration on both sides of the border. In a seperate signing, a cooperation agreement was signed in West Jerusalem between Israel, Belgium and the Palestian Authority in the field of scientific research. The agreement calls for holding a joint project between al-Quds University and Ben Gurion University for research in epedimiology (Ha'aretz, al-Quds).

Al-Ayyam in Amman

For the first time since the 1967 war, Jordan has agreed to allow Palestinian newspapers such as al-Ayyam and al-Quds to be sold in the country. The kingdom has also agreed to broadcast a 30-60 minute program produced by Palestine Television once a month. According to director-general of the Jordanian Press and PublicaDepartment, it will take a few days for the newspapers to hit the streets, but due to the large Palestinian population in Jordan, they are expected to find a substantial market (Ha'aretz).

Small Victory

The Israeli High Court took a decision on February 15, confirming the ownership of Munira Syam from Silwan to her house in Wadi Hilwa, thus revoking the appeal of the El Ad settlement group to take over the house. The court rejected all attempts made by the group to forge ownership documents (al-Quds).

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While Israeli troops have redeployed to the edge of the Gaza Strip and from all or part of seven West Bank cities, the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory is by no means finished. The JMCC seeks to keep a record of acts of Israeli violence (both military and civilian), and collective punishment. The following figures are for the week February 10 - 17 and were compiled from the Palestinian press and JMCC sources. They should not be considered a complete list of the ongoing Israeli violations of human rights of Palestinians.

DEMOLISHED Three homes under construction in the Nablus area by Israeli occupation troops.

UPROOTED Five hundred olive trees in Beit Dajan near Nablus.

SEIZED Four thousand dunams by Israeli settlers near Deir Estiya near Nablus.