palestine report 29 Sept 99

Three possible reasons for these Israeli government practices and the resulting negative attitudes is that one, they are a true political and ideological stand, not at all in harmony with the international law and legitimacy that provide the basis of the peace process. Second, the other side, namely the Palestinian leadership, is letting Israel off the hook by tolerating its continuous violation of agreements and settlement expansion while still enjoying the fruits of partnership in the peace process. In short, the Palestinian leadership is allowing Israel to have its cake and eat it too.

The third reason is the attitude of the international community represented by the countries most involved in this peace process, as well as the Arab states. Their positive treatment of this new Israeli government compared to their treatment of the previous Israeli government, apparent even before this government makes any changes in Israeli policy (especially vis-Ü-vis settlement activity and adherence to the requirements of a successful peace process) has given credit when in fact no credit is due.

Allowing this situation to continue might in the short term provide a "positive" atmosphere - whether between Palestinians and Israelis or between Israel and the outside world. But, in the long run, the vital requirements of a successful peace process include allowing for an independent Palestinian state. Eventually, we will all be faced with the practical and devastating results of Israeli settlement policy.

By then, however, it will be too late. The responsibility will not solely fall on Israel's shoulders but rather on those of the current Palestinian leadership. They will have allowed Israel to truly have its cake and eat it too. -Published

Security in place for safe passage

by Joharah Baker

"WHEN WE launched the final status talks on September 13, we expected that the committees would begin their work the next day," Palestine Liberation Organization secretary Mahmoud Abbas told the Voice of Palestine. "If they [Israelis] are truly sincere about these negotiations, we must begin them now." Abbas was expressing Palestinian discontent with Israeli public statements and foot-dragging on approaching final status talks. To date, Israel has not yet submitted the names of its representatives to the talks.

By all accounts, the thorniest issue on the table is that of Jerusalem. While Israel remains unwavering in its insistence that Jerusalem is and always will be the capital of Israel, PLO executive committee member Faisal Husseini is singing an entirely different tune. In a September 27 press conference Husseini reiterated that no talks would proceed if Israel does not accept discussions on both sectors of the city, reiterating that Palestinians also have rights in West Jerusalem.

"Regaining East Jerusalem is not up for negotiations," said Husseini. "We will not negotiate on any inch of East Jerusalem. We will not accept Israeli settlements or Israeli quarters. This will be the capital of the Palestinian state."

Meanwhile, French president Jacques Chirac said that the international community would be involved in the issues of Jerusalem and Palestinian refugees, saying that the refugees should be able to look forward to a dignified life in available regions. Chirac stressed that the international community cannot remain indifferent towards the final status of the holy city, given its religious and historical significance. Chirac gave his statements during a joint press conference at the Elysee Palace in Paris following meetings with Palestinian president Yasser Arafat. The Palestinian president's visit to France, after a stop in the United States, was an endeavor to drum up support for Palestinians before final status negotiations take off and to urge the international community, namely the United States and Europe, to play an active role.

Arafat made his position more than clear during his speech before the United Nations General Assembly on September 23 when he explicitly called on the international body to support the Palestinian cause. "I am confident in your support of the Palestinian demand for independence and I am hoping to see Palestine as a full member in the UN at the millenium summit," he told the assembly. He also did not lose the opportunity to lash out at Israel. "We demand that the Israeli government halt all measures in violation of UN resolutions and which destroy any opportunity for achieving peace."

However, what inflamed Israeli leaders was Arafat's insistence in his speech on declaring an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital within a year. Israeli foreign minister David Levi lashed out at Arafat, accusing him of advocating "extreme positions" in his speech and using a policy of double languages. Levi said that anyone who wants peace must use the language of peace and not extremes. He added that Israel will not accept the Palestinians' call to outside parties to join in negotiations meant to be direct talks.

Palestinians await for the most tangible development of recent agreements - the southern safe passage between Gaza and Tarqoumia, which is scheduled to open on October 4. The road will function seven days a week for at least 19 hours a day, and will be closed for three days a year during Israeli religious holidays.

Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza who wish to travel through the safe passage must first apply for a "safe passage card" which carries information on and a photo of the bearer, and will expire between three months to a year. If the person wishes to drive his or her car, a sticker will be issued for the vehicle. Ha'aretz reports that if the car has not traveled the distance and checked out of the other end of the safe passage within acertain amount of time, Israeli security will treat that car as a suspicious vehicle. Those Palestinians considered a "security threat" by Israel will be issued a special permit that would allow him to travel on buses three times a week. -Published 29/9/99 (c)Palestine Report

Why women are the key to Palestine

by Jamil Rabah

PALESTINIAN SOCIETY has a growing problem. Presently, its population is very young; according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of statistics, 47 percent of the population is under the age of fifteen (the world average was at 31.5 percent).

The number of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip will only grow due to an equally astounding birth rate. The fertility rate for the average Palestinian woman is 6.06, a number much higher than most developing countries. Observers predict that by the year 2025, the number of people in the West Bank and Gaza will double to nearly 8 million people.

The combination of these two factors creates an immense burden upon Palestinian society to provide for its growing population. Seventy-five percent of Palestinian society is composed of women and children. Because only 11.7 percent of women participate in the paid labor force (as well as a regrettable 3 percent of children), the large majority of Palestinians are dependents.

At the same time, the economic outlook of the Palestinian areas looks grim. From 1994 to 1996, the Gross Domestic Product of the Palestinian Territories has grown by about 31 percent, although the large majority of that growth came from tariffs. Unemployment in 1998 was estimated at 14.4 percent. By many reports, that situation has improved due to Israel's loosening of the closure to Palestinian workers inside the Green Line. Still, the average Palestinian annual income is at $1,750 - one tenth of per capita income in neighboring Israel. Nearly six percent of those employed are underemployed in jobs below their training.

Hence, Palestinians have a high population growth and a flagging economy. Even if the economic situation were to stay the same, the Palestinian Authority would be struggling to build enough schools, hospitals and housing to accommodate the burgeoning population. But that scenario seems unlikely - the United Nations population conference in Cairo stressed that overcrowding produces more poverty.

These numbers have all kinds of social implications for human rights, for Palestinian society and in particular for the social "health" of Palestinian women.

"Demographic figures play a critical role in social progress," Mary Chin of the International Labor Office in Geneva told a conference. "Unbalanced population growth and uneven population distribution undermine the attainment of the core of ILO objectives of promoting social justice, full and freely chosen productive employment, the dignity of workers and improved working conditions."

It seems clear that a reduction in fertility can only be in the best interests of Palestinians, and, I would argue, the best way to encourage a reduction in fertility is to encourage women's participation in the work force.

"It is clear that women who are engaged in both formal wage work, as well as the informal sector, have a lower overall fertility rate than women outside the labor force," writes sociologist Rema Hamammi as she makes recommendations on integrating Palestinian women into the work force.

Presently, one Palestinian phenomenon that aids the high birth rate is a low age of marriage, hovering around 19 years for most women. It stands to reason that, if more women were integrated into the work force, more women would marry later in life because the option of career pursuit would be available. Again, we see the circular effect - the later women marry, the less children they produce and the more society benefits.

Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics numbers show that while the fertility rate for "housewives" was at 7.30, the fertility rate for "working women" is 2.72, a dramatic difference. The correlation between less children and a woman's work for pay seems clear. Further, with a lower fertility rate, the number of people entering the labor market will go down and women's employment will reduce the burden on the "traditional" breadwinner.

The results of an August 1999 Jerusalem Media & Communications Center poll drive this point home. When women were asked whether they would like to work, 45 percent said yes. When then asked why they didn't work, nearly 24 percent of the women polled who would like to work said that they stayed at home in order to raise children.

Even more interesting, the response that received the next highest agreement was that "my husband/children/brothers do not allow me" to work - 15.8 percent of women who want to work responded this way. Another 8 percent put their unemployment down to "traditions." These results appear to show that, for women who would like to work, there is a great deal of societal and practical pressure to stay at home. Twelve percent of women who say they would like to work believe that they cannot because of a lack of education.

These poll results show that there are many social hurdles to cross before women can become more fully integrated into the workforce.

There is no doubt, however, that tackling those social issues is crucial for the healthy development of Palestine. "International literature on the developing world shows that overall women's engagement in wage work and income generation generally has a profoundly positive effect on child welfare and nutrition," writes Hamammi. While opponents may argue that pushing women out of the home will hurt Palestinian families, Hamammi says that is unsubstantiated. Research shows that women's presence in the labor force has little to do with marital breakdown.

If more women become wage-earners, and the fertility rate goes down, there will be widespread benefits for society as a whole. Child labor will decrease and as such, the quality of children's education will improve. Not only will you have less people entering the labor force, but those people will have been better educated.

Further, the benefits for Palestinian women are numerous. With their employment, many of women's social restrictions that come hand in hand with staying at home also fade away. When a woman is at home, her options are limited. Her days are long and dull. Employment gives a woman multiple viewpoints on life that she is not exposed to if she stays at home.

Studies show that Palestinian women rely more on radio and television as their source of news whereas men rely primarily on print media to find out what is going on in the world. I would argue that this is true because women in the home have less access to print sources of information. I would also argue that radio and television are more propaganda-oriented, particularly in this part of the world (further, they carry messages that are detrimental to women's development). Getting women out of the home, and thus exposing them to more critical sources of information can only then assist in building the Palestinian democracy.

None of the above recommendations are reinventing the wheel. All were reiterated in the UN women's conference in Beijing, where it was clearly stated that developmental efforts in the third world must be linked to gender development.

Palestine needs to grow socially, economically and politically. The best way to do this is to actively encourage the growth of women in the same arenas. More important, perhaps is that women be given their full rights as human beings as stipulated in various human rights conventions. We know that a large number of Palestinian women are willing to work if the reason behind their unemployment goes away. We, Palestinian society, must make that change. -Published 29/9/99 (c)Palestine Report

Palestinian Women's response to: If you would like to work, why then don't you?

RESPONSE Total West Bank Gaza

To raise the children 23.9 30.8 10.3

Because of tradition 8.1 6.4 11.5

My husband/children/brothers do not allow me to work 15.8 14.7 17.9

I haven't found suitable work, although I tried 13.7 14.1 12.8

I haven't found suitable work, although I didn't try 4.7 5.8 2.6

I think I am not able to work 5.1 5.8 3.8

I work without being paid (peasant tailor or helps in agricultural work, etc..) 0.9 0.6 1.3

Because of education 12.4 9.6 17.4

Other reasons 5.3 4.5 7.0

No answer 8.0 5.1 14.1

JMCC Poll No. 32 Part II - Random sampling of 1200 people on August 26 & 27

Violence against Gaza women increasing, say experts

by Saud Abu Ramadan

SOCIOLOGISTS FROM the Women's Empowerment Project, a section of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, say that domestic violence against women in Gaza Strip appears to have risen since the project began in 1995.

They say that this violence is a direct result of the economic, social and political pressures that Gaza families face. Gaza cultural traditions and a misinterpretation of Islam provide the backdrop for severe gender discrimination, which in turn promotes inequality and violence, say the center's employees.

Azza Mheisen, a social worker at the project, says that it was established four years ago to treat female prisoners freed from Israeli jails who had been arrested during the Intifada and had faced political violence under the Israeli occupation. The project also targeted women who had felt the effects of political violence indirectly, when relatives in their families were killed, injured or arrested by the Israeli army.

In its two years, the project succeeded in treating many female victims of the occupation, "but we discovered
that there are many other women in Gaza who suffer from social violence carried out by their families and their husbands," says Mheisen.

Over the last two years, the project has adopted 30 women every six months who have been victims of social violence at the hands of their husbands, fathers and brothers. In addition, the project advises another 60 women at home who cannot come to the center daily.

The women who visit more frequently often suffer from depression as a result of physical and psychological abuse either by their families, their parents and brothers or by their husbands. Some of them have been sexually abused, raped, suffered murder attempts or tried to commit suicide.

She says that women are sometimes killed in Gaza by their brothers and fathers "to protect the honor and dignity of the family, and when the bodies arrive at the hospitals, the families claim that their daughters committed suicide." It is difficult to calculate the actual number of women killed by their male family members, given that many murders are passed off as suicides. Others are not reported or the death is attributed to another cause, says Mheisen.

"The problem is that the society supports such actions, and the police unfortunately do not investigate those cases for the reason that the family wants to protect its honor," said Mheisen.

A 19-year-old woman who asked not to be identified visits the center everyday. She has been divorced twice after unsuccessful and abusive marriages in which her husbands' mothers played significant roles.

"I was 17 when I had my first marriage," she said. "I was very young, and I was not able to tell my brothers and my father that I didn't want to get married so young, because I was afraid that they may beat me and accuse me of having a boyfriend,"

She lived with her first husband and his family in one house. Her mother-in-law was asking her to do all the housekeeping, while her husband's sisters did not help in cleaning the house.

"When I refused his mother's orders, she told [my husband] to beat me," she said. The first time she was beaten, the woman complained to her father and mother, but they told her that "it is natural that a husband beats his wife."

Mheisen said that the Palestinian community itself accepts the principle of discrimination between men and
women. She said that one example of where discrimination and violence against women begins is a family's joy when a woman gives birth to a boy.

The unidentified woman says that she returned to her husband's house, even though he kept beating her and bruising her body. Finally, she ran away, showed her parents the signs of the violence and told them that she must get a divorce.

The second time the woman married, she joined with a man who had been married before who had four children from that union. Social workers at the center say that it is common, while unfortunate, that a divorced woman must usually marry a widower or a divorced man who has children and needs a woman to take care of them, if the divorcee wants to remarry at all.

This particular young woman, dressed in a black long-sleeved dress and wearing a headscarf, said that she lived with the second man for a few months before he started beating her, claiming that she was not caring for his children and was arguing with him. Again, she went to her family and requested a divorce.

The center provides psychotherapy, sociological counseling, legal counseling, vocational training, educational programs, daily lectures, workshops, public meetings and other activities for women from the community.

"We work towards helping women victims to first manage their psychological problems, then to be active participants in the awareness, education and training services offered by the project," said Mheisen.

Sheikh Ahmed Abu Rass, an Imam at a Gaza mosque says that Islam has never called for discrimination between men and women. He said that, quite the opposite - Islam prohibits mistreating women and using violence against them.

"God asked us to treat equally all our children no matter if they are boys or girls," said Abu Rass. "Our prophet had only girls and he loved them very much and called [on Islam's followers] not to discriminate between a boy and a girl in the family."

Mheisen said that the center aims to enlighten the community, help as much as it can to create equality and educate men that the use of violence against women destroys the family and creates a criminal society.

-Published 29/9/99 (c)Palestine Report

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For the Record

This week Palestine Report Online interviews Zahira Kamal, administrative head of planning and development of women's participation in the Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation

PR: As a working woman, what are the pressures you are faced with in this society?

Kamal: In terms of the society, my long experience in the struggle made a lot of things easier. Now I am known in the society. At the beginning there were a number of social and political pressures. For example, at the family level - how my family dealt with my involvement - sometimes I would have to come home late, I would have to attend meetings, and so on. Also, I my political work was in addition to my job, so I was also under pressure from my job. There were also pressures from the occupation - arrests, house and city arrests.

Today the situation is a bit different. First of all, the society now appreciates the struggle. No one looks anymore at the issue as putting yourself in danger for no reason. Now there is respect for the struggle. Also on the family level, there is understanding of this new role. The pressure comes because there is so much need for work; it is at the expense of oneself and at the expense of his/her social relationships. There is just no time anymore. So the time factor is the major source of pressure.

Another thing I have noticed is that the youth today have moved away from work on the social level. They have benefited from the accomplishments we achieved. For example, if we compare the percentage of girls' education 30 years ago to now, it is much better. I think there is a need to work with the youth so as not to have a setback in all we have achieved

PR: How do you feel like your work in this unit serves the Palestinian woman?

Kamal: The role that we play is determining how the overall plans of the Palestinian Authority take into consideration the status of women; how does it include it in all its programs? Also, when agreements are drawn up, the agreements should be gender sensitive. This is an integral process.

...The role we see for ourselves is how to determine the main problem and what party is working in this area. We try to work with ministries that support women and ministries that are at least neutral towards this subject. When we say that a ministry is neutral towards the issue of women, this means that the atmosphere is not particularly supportive. The faintheartedness that women have fallen into through the years has created a kind of handicap for her, in taking her place of authority or in taking initiative.

In general, most people in our society are not hostile towards women, but they are neutral towards the subje. This neutrality is negative. The second point is that there is a lot of talk about equality, equal opportunities and social equity and many people have a good concept about gender from the theoretical point of view because there have been many courses and programs dealing with this subject. But unfortunately, there is a huge discrepancy between theory and implementation. When it comes to implementation, rarely do we not see the women's role marginalized and her key issues are not taken into consideration.

PR: How do you evaluate the women's movement after the advent of the Palestinian Authority? Has the
Authority affected the movement positively or negatively or has the situation remained the same?

Kamal: The truth is, there are many changes. First of all, assumedly, the programs of the women's movement before the Palestinian Authority were different than they are now. At the beginning, our programs were for the struggle - national programs at the expense of the social factor. Today we have a new component.

True, the struggle component has not been obliterated completely, but the social variable has been introduced and that should take priority, because we are in a period of legislating new laws and state building. If a woman is not part of this process from the beginning, then she will remain handicapped and many measures would have to be taken in order for her to be taken into consideration. So instead of taking future measures, we need to be part of the process from the beginning.

On the level of our unit in the ministry, we held extensive training for example, for the women in the Palestinian Authority in addition to a number of men. Approximately one-third of the trainees are men. Two hundred and fifty six male and female trainees have taken courses throughout the past two years on how to gain supporters for matters we feel are of importance and what essential changes we feel must take place in order for the improvement of women's status.

In addition to this, on a general level, we have programs with non-governmental organizations such as the Women's Affairs Technical Committee. Their work seeks to mobilize and strengthen women and gain support for significant issues.

However, we still have a big problem. We have 1,200 [women's] organizations. I did a study on these organizations and I discovered that the overwhelming majority of them did not reconsider their goals after the advent of the Palestinian Authority. They did not reconsider their activities. This means they are working according to the pattern they have been accustomed to in the past.

PR: No doubt the participation of women in general and working women in particular has changed from before the arrival of the Authority. What are the problems that women in general face and working women in particular at present?

Kamal: The most important thing for us is job opportunities. Previously, any woman who was unemployed was considered a homemaker. We must change this attitude. Let us be realistic. We must say that she is really unemployed because any women who spent, let's say, 16 years of her life teaching and then to call her a housewife and not unemployed - that is an extreme injustice to women.

In return, every man who is unemployed is called unemployed - we don't call him the "head of a household." And when we think of job opportunities, we take the man into consideration and not the woman, although since this is a society striving to develop, it should be equal in dealing with men and women. If our society is only concerned with job opportunities for men, then I say that is walking on one leg. It will remain handicapped no matter how much we try to push it forward.

PR: Are there any programs or plans from this ministry or the Palestinian Authority in general to develop this movement?

Kamal: The planning ministry formulates general directives. These directives take on four dimensions: operational, rural development, improvement of the economic situation and institutional infrastructure. This is a wide range in which women can be a part of all of them. There is someone who puts down the details of the plans in each ministry. Today we have the Central Bureau of Statistics that provides us with very important and practical information from which we can detect gender problems and then solve them in the society. I think we have a problem in reading and dealing with data and being able to detect the reasons for the problem in order to solve it. We are also concerned with this matter.

On the level of the ministry, I can say that there are serious efforts. At least, recently, three employees were promoted to the rank of director-general. Two were women. And it's not that we promoted them to this rank and didn't give them anything to do. One of them took over the spatial planning in the West Bank and the other did the same job in Gaza. There was support for such a move within the ministry. They got their Master's degree, they are known for their good work, so there were efforts exerted towards their promotion. -Published 29/9/99 (c)Palestine Report

RESPONSE	Total	West Bank	Gaza
To raise the children	23.9	30.8	10.3
Because of tradition	8.1	6.4	11.5
My husband/children/brothers do not allow me to work	15.8	14.7	17.9
I haven't found suitable work, although I tried	13.7	14.1	12.8
I haven't found suitable work, although I didn't try	4.7	5.8	2.6
I think I am not able to work	5.1	5.8	3.8
I work without being paid (peasant tailor or helps in agricultural work, etc..)	0.9	0.6	1.3
Because of education	12.4	9.6	17.4
Other reasons	5.3	4.5	7.0
No answer	8.0	5.1	14.1