SPECIAL REPORTS FROM PALESTINE
Since Madrid - Israeli confidence destroying measures
in the occupied Palestinian territories
(JMCC, pp 27, December 1991)
Contents
For most countries in the Middle East, October 30 marked the hopeful beginning of a new era. The convening of the Madrid peace conference symbolised a new way of thinking. For the Palestinians, it was a time to acknowledge the past but show the courage to move on. For the Israelis, it was a time to restate past positions.
All delegations understood that the legitimacy of the conference was based on relevant United Nations resolutions, including the 242 "land for peace" formula. Israel's response to this understanding was to escalate settlement activity, expropriate further Palestinian land, and continue with the development of a network of settlement infrastructure. Thus, while a show of good faith was hoped to accompany Israel's attendance in the conference, it became clear that this was not to be. The facts are that since October 30:
Away from the arena of political speeches, a new media campaign was being waged against the Palestinian delegation, with the intention of discrediting it on all fronts: in the eyes of the international, Israeli and Palestinian communities. This would suggest that Israel is not interested in full, genuine participation In the peace process.
The following material presents a picture of the
current situation in the occupied territories. Rather than confidence-building
measures being employed, the opposite has occurred and Palestinians in
the occupied territories are currently witnessing a new series of confidence-destroying
measures.
I. Media Disinformation
As world attention focussed on the Madrid conference,
Israel launched a media campaign aimed at discrediting the Palestinian
delegation and undermining the popular support the delegation enjoys both
In the occupied territories and abroad, within the Palestinian and international
communities. News was shaped to portray Intensive internal conflicts within
the Palestinian delegation on one hand and between the delegates and the
PLO leadership on the other.
The Israeli campaign targeted three audiences:
I.A. The International Community
Aimed at combating the favorable international public opinion
vis-a-vis the Palestinian delegation, Israel attempted to portray the delegates
as an Isolated, internally divided group of people who have not shared
the same hardships that most Palestinians face, and who are not qualified
negotiators but merely experts In dealing with the western media and International
public opinion.
On November '19, highly-placed Israeli security sources were
quoted on the Voice of Israel radio as saying that "the Palestinian
delegation in the occupied territories Is not ready for the bilateral negotiations
taking place after several days as they are without any con2mfttees to
prepare them for the talks,' adding that "they [delegates] are busy
with internal conflicts and power struggles between the factions and they
are not prepared for negotiations. 11 while the delegates were portrayed
as unprepared and fighting for power, they were also labeled as powerless
and without credibility. The English-language Israeli magazine Jerusalem
Report stated that: "As for Dr. Hanan Ashrawi... who was able to project
an appealing image of the Palestinians to Western audiences, she has no
decision making capacity or rank of her own within Fatah, and no personal
standing among activists at home."
The article goes on to say that "Husseini, who some
Palestinians cynically refer to as 'the king' still relies heavily on his
family name and reputation.'
Rather than being isolated from their communities, the delegates
all enjoy widespread popularity. Palestinians went out into the streets
throughout the occupied territories, olive branches in hand, to demonstrate
their support for the delegation and the Madrid conference. It was the
Israeli officials that banned all propeace marches and violently repressed
those that occurred after the edict. It was the Israeli military that opened
fire on Palestinians holding olive branches, apparently fearing the implications
of peace. It was the Israeli military authorities who declared Jericho
a closed military area, preventing Palestinians outside the town from welcoming
home en masse the delegation. The Israelis point to Palestinian opposition
to the conference as a reflection of the genuine sentiment in the occupied
territories, as if Palestinians have but one single opinion, rather than
views ranging the entire political spectrum, as in any society. In the
Israeli scenario, the Palestinian cry for peace is depicted as
Merely public relations campaign, the delegates as figureheads,
out of touch with the true will of the people, which is to engage in violence
directed at the state of Israel. Thus, an advisor to the Israeli army chief
of staff assured the Associated Press on November 19 that "since the
Madrid conference, there has been an increase in operations against Israeli
targets," adding that "the pro-peace marches and olive branch
demonstrations are only media maneuvers, taking place when journalists
are present, while in other places stone-throwing is still taking place."
Just one week earlier, the Israeli defense minister and the army chief
of staff had informed government ministers that in fact, "disturbances
it had decreased by 30% in the West Bank and by 70% in the Gaza Strip during
the Madrid proceedings. Rather than succeeding in portraying the "true"
face of the Palestinians, what is being demonstrated is the true face of
Israel, set firmly against peace.
I.B. The Israeli Public
The Israeli media campaign aimed at Israeli public opinion
attempted to once again undermine the credibility of the Palestinian delegation
as people who had the power to negotiate for peace.
Recent polls have shown that the majority of Israelis favor
coming to a peaceful, negotiated settlement with Palestinians, involving
some kind of territorial compromise. Therefore, during and after the Madrid
conference, articles in the Israeli press described the Palestinian delegation
as a group of individuals enjoying no popular support, fighting amongst
themselves, while under constant threat from their own people. Once again,
opposition to the conference was focussed on disproportionately in an attempt
to show the Israeli public that they should not have any confidence in
the ability of the delegation to negotiate for peace on behalf of the Palestinians.
The message to the Israeli public is clear: Do not put your trust or faith
in this delegation, or the current peace process. This group will not be
able to produce any tangible changes or bring about a peaceful solution
to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, because they lack power and lack a
political base in the occupied territories. Ironically, the Israeli claim
that the delegates' lives are being threatened by their own people was
made as police arrested members of a underground, Jewish extremist Organization
who were planning attacks on the Palestinian delegates.
I.C. The Palestinian Public
The Israeli media campaign addressed at Palestinians said,
in effect: Your delegates have achieved nothing in Madrid. They are in
the process of creating an alternative leadership to the PLO in Tunis and
they have accepted autonomy, an option unacceptable ten years ago, instead
of a Palestinian state.
The Israeli news broadcast in Arabic carried a speech by
Foreign Minister David Levy to the Knesset in which he said: "The
PLO is out of the picture and In contrast to the fir7n belief in this house,
it was proven that it is possible to build up a leadership from among the
Arab residents of Judea, Samaria and Gaza for the purpose of negotiating
with Israel in order to shape their destiny." Immediately after the
announcement of the names of the Palestinian delegation, IDF Coordinator
of Activities in the Occupied Territories Dani Rothchild announced: "Today
an alternative leadership to the PLO emerged in the occupied territories."
These and similar systematic announcements by Israeli officials
and the Israeli media aim to create a gap between the delegates and the
Palestinian people, with the hope of defeating all positive gains achieved
by the delegates. Israel is trying to create an atmosphere of mistrust
in the Palestinian political arena.
Ironically, however, at the same time that Israel is saying
that these figures represent an alternative leadership to the PLO, Israel
is working on putting delegates such as Faisal Hussein! and Hanan Ashrawi
on trial for consulting with the PLO during the peace conference.
Israel tries to show the Palestinian delegates as failures,
unable to cope with this historical opportunity to achieve Palestinian
national rights. Palestinians, without access to local radio or TV stations,
and a heavily censored press, can only combat this unfair media campaign
by speaking directly to the people, as they have been doing since their
return, throughout the occupied territories. And, if nothing concrete has
been attained as a result of the Madrid conference, Palestinians were at
least able to prove to the world that they have a genuine desire for peace
and seek a just solution to the conflict.
2. Chronology of Events
This chronology can in no way be comprehensive; examples have been chosen simply to illustrate the current situation in the occupied territories.
Israeli Response to the Peace
Marches
During the Madrid peace conference, peace marches appeared
throughout the occupied territories as a show of support not only for the
Palestinian delegation but also for the peace process. Israeli troops responded
brutally to the peace marches with bullets, tear gas and beatings. Normally
following amarch, curfew was imposed. During curfew, entire towns, villages
or refugee camps are forced to stay indoors, and are subject to arrest
or injury should they venture outside. Curfews normally last for days and
often weeks, with occasional one hour breaks for food provision. During
the Gulf War, the two million Palestinians in the occupied territories
were under a blanket 24-hour curfew lasting approximately four weeks.
October 29, 1991
November 4, 1991
November 5, 1991
November 6, 1991
November 9, 1991
November 10, 1991
November 12, 1991
Deaths
Well over 1,200 Palestinians have been killed by the Israeli
army and settlers since the beginning of the Intifada, including through
the use of live ammunition, rubber and plastic bullets, and physical beatings.
October 30, 1991
October 31, 1991
November 5, 1991
November 14, 1991
November 15, 1991
November 18, 1991
Number of Palestinians Killed by Israeli Forces: 7
Injuries
Since the beginning of the Intifada, 117,000 Palestinians
have been injured by the Israeli army or settlers; of that figure, 3 -
4,000 have been injured permanently.
November 13, 1991
November 13, 1991
Injuries Reported in the Press: 93
Education
One of the first Israeli responses to the Palestinian Intifada
was the Interference in Palestinian education. It has involved extended
and widespread closures of schools and universities, military attacks on
schools, the military occupation of schools for use as army headquarters
and detention centres, the outlawing of popularly initiated alternative
education programmes, and the harassment and detention of educators and
students.
November 7, 1991
November 8, 1991
Prisoners
Since the beginning of the Intifada, at least 95,000 Palestinians
have been arrested by the Israeli authorities. Approximately 15,000 Palestinians
have been put under administrative detention, with no charges lodged against
them, no trial and no right to an attorney. Administrative detention currently
can be imposed for renewable periods of up to one year.
November 3, 1991
November 6, 1991
November 10, 1991
Total Number of Arrests Reported in the Press: 108
Taxes
The issue of taxation in the occupied territories is crucial;
it imposes extreme financial hardship on Palestinians, and the imposition
of certain taxes violates international law and helps to finance the Israeli
military occupation. It is common knowledge that the Civil Administration
profits from the collection taxes from Palestinians since the level of
services offered to Palestinians does not justify the exorbitant taxes
levied.
The means by which taxes are collected are often brutal.
Physical raids frequently accompany confiscation of merchandise and cash.
To insure payment, identity cards are held in the possession of the military
until the taxes demanded are paid, despite the fact that it is illegal
to be without an identity card, even in your own house. On many occasions,
tax collectors are accompanied by soldiers, curfew is imposed and then
a large-scale tax raid is carried out. Appendix 3 provides an example of
the pattern of tax collection activities.
Uprooting of Trees
Every year thousands upon thousands of olive, fig and citrus
trees are bulldozed and grapevines are uprooted from Palestinian land.
This act strikes directly at landowners and farmers, robbing them of their
livelihood. Appendix C provides the number of trees uprooted in November.
The common reasons for uprooting trees are a) as punitive "security"
measures after incidents of stone throwing at army or settler vehicles;
and b) to make way for the construction of roads serving the Israeli settlements
in the occupiterritories.
Demolitions & House Sealing
The army carries out demolitions using explosives and often
damaging neighboring structures, or by simply bulldozing a home or store;
often residents have had as little as 15 minutes, in which to vacate their
homes. The owners are not necessarily given prior formal notification and
in many cases items may not be removed from the premises. When the army
seals or partially seals a home, it welds shut the entire premises or several
rooms; the family is subject to reprisals should they later re-open the
sealed home or room. A list of the house demolitions and sealing are included
in Appendix 1. Demolitions are often carried out as a punitive "security"
measures against:
* Families of youths wanted by the security forces
* Families of detainees awaiting trial, or serving prison
sentences
* Families of those suspected of membership in a political
faction
Many houses are also demolished on the pretext that the owners
lack the required building permit or license, although it is almost impossible
for Palestinians to obtain permits to build from the Israeli authorities.
Raid on the Islamic Court
In the late afternoon of 18 November, Israeli police raided
the Islamic Court building in East Jerusalem, confiscating court records,
which include documentation on land inheritance and ownership in the Jerusalem
area. A police spokeswoman announced that the raid and seizure of documents
followed what she termed a tip-off that people in the building were planning
it subversive, hostile activity." However, no one was in the building
at the time of the raid. Police seized two crates of documents, on suspicion
that they contained subversive material, reportedly. returning most of
the documents later. Court spokesperson Muhammed Nusseibeh said that the
documents held by the court were extremely valuable, going back 500 years
and pertaining to everything from social to familly affairs, and Including
a land registry of ownership in Jerusalem. This is the first time throughout
all the successive occupations of East Jerusalem, that the sanctity and
jurisdiction of the Islamic Court has been violated.
3. Israeli land confiscation
and settlement since the start of the Madrid Peace Conference
Ramallah Area
Beit Iksa
On November 12, the military governor in Ramallah notified
villagers of an order officially designating 450 dunams of their land as
"state land". The area being taken over is owned by some 50 to
60 residents, and in their estimation is actually about 1,500 dunams. The
military governor was supposed to meet with the landowners the following
day; he did not show up. The owners were thereafter barred from entering
the land, under penalty of a NIS2,000 fine. One month ago, prior to the
issuance of the order, one owner, Mahmoud 'Abdallah 'Ajaj, 75, was prevented
from entering his land by police from the nearby Givat Ze'ev settlement,
who arrested him, held a swift court hearing, and ruled that he could not
enter his land for one year.
Beit Seera
On or about November 4, 20 dunams of land were expropriated
on "security" grounds from Muhammed Rasheed al-'Antawi, Muharmned
Yousef al-'Antawi, Theeb Yousef al-'Antawi, Muhamned 'Abdallah Samour,
Mashour Hassan Abu Saghir. Israeli troops then set up an army camp on the
site.
al-Janieh
Al-Janieh lies near to the Talmon settlement. On November
19, the army announced over loudspeakers that more than 950 dunams of village
land was thereafter designated "state land". This was the first
the villagers had heard that such an order had been issued, although it
was officially dated June 9. The written order, in actuality, affects more
than 13,000 dunams of land.
Bethlehem Area
Nahaleen
The military governor in Bethlehem informed the mukhtar of
Nahaleen of an undated order, signed by the Civil Administration, expropriating
300 dunams of village land as allegedly "state land", and gave
residents 45 days from November to appeal the order. The villagers claim
that the area affected is 500 dunams. They intend to file a petition before
the military objections committee, despite their unsuccessful previous
appeals. This is only the latest in -a history of land seizures from Nahaleen,
which out of an original area of 12,000 dunams, has only 4,000 dunams remaining.
East Jerusalem Area
Silwan
On November 1, the residents of Silwan were notified that
the Jerusalem municipality had on June 9, declared that 100 dunams from
the village had been classified as "green land", with building
or cultivating strictly forbidden. Following are names of some of the owners
of the land: Muhammed Mahmoud al-'Abasi, Hashem 'Oudeh Jalal, 'Abd al-Qader
al-'Izza. The residents fear the next step will be outright confiscation,
as was the case with land from Umm Touba and Sour Baher, where landowners
received similar notification before their land was officially confiscated
for "public purposes", and Is now slated for the construction
of the Har Homa settlement. Silwan has been the focus of increased settlement
activity recently as several homes were occupied by yeshiva students/settlers,
and is slated for new construction under Housing Minister's plan for increasing
the Jewish presence in East Jerusalem. Even more recently, the Jerusalem
municipality approved a major roads project for the village, over the objections
of the Palestinian residents.
3.B. Infrastructure
The Israeli authorities have prioritized infrastructure development
in an effort to support the growing move to settlements. In the 1991 budget
for the Housing Ministry, NIS27 million was allocated to construction of
settlement roads, according to the Israeli Peace Now group monitoring settlements.
Greater Nablus Area
On November 3, work began on a new road, 20 kilometers long
and 80 meters wide, slated to run from the Qalansawa-Taibe intersection,
cutting through the Palestinian villages of Farlaoun, Shoufa, Siffareen
and Belt Leed, and linking up with the main Tulkarem-Nablus route. Construction
is currently underway at two sites, one in Belt Leed and the other In Shoufa.
Construction is also underway on a new road for the Kedumim
"C" settlement, to cut through the Nablus area villages of Kufr
Qadoum and Jeeb and linking up with the Nablus-Qalqilia road. The road,
which will run for some four to six kilometers, will form part of the larger
50 kilometer network serving settlers, which goes from Deir Sharaf and
heads south through the villages of Quseen, Kufr Qadoum, Jeeb, Sarrah,
Til, 'Arak Bureen and Bureen. The military authorities officially notified
residents of the affected villages that their land was being expropriated
for "public purposes".
Qalqilia Area
Construction on a new road is currently underway on land
confiscated for "public purposes" back in September, from the
village of a-Zawia and its surroundings In the Tulkarem area. The new road
will link 'Abir a-Samira road to the 'Azzoun junction, cutting across additional
confiscated land.
In September, an additional 300 dunams of land belonging
to 'Azzoun al-'Itma village were confiscated by military order. The land
was recently fenced in and construction is currently in progress on a three-kilometer
road that will link the Oranit settlement to the Shalareh Tikva settlement.
Nablus to Ramallah
On October 28, 2,500 dunams were taken from residents of
Yitma, a-Sawia, Qabalan and Til, and declared "state land". The
Land and Water Establishment for Services and Legal Studies estimate the
actual confiscation figure soars up to 8,000 dunams once right of way measurements
are accounted for. Included in the seizure were the following:
Qabalan
six dunams, owned by the family of Barhoum Saleem, will be
used toward the construction of a 250-meter long road; an army outpost
was also built at the intersection leading to the village.
Yitma
ten dunams, owned by 'Abd al-Ghafar Muhammed 'Atata, were
confiscated and 250 olive & fig trees were uprooted; ten dunams were
taken from Mahmoud Muhammed Hamdallah, and 250 olive trees were uprooted;
a-Sawia
Here, confiscations occurred in two areas, Jabaa- Talama
and al-Wad. The 41 owners included:
1. Jabir Muhammed 'Abd al-Majid Saleh, the only person to
receive formal notice.
2. Ahmed Muhammed 'Abd al-Majid (twenty dunams)
3. Ahmed Hamid Khalil (18 dunams)
4. Mahmoud Shaheen (25 dunams)
5. 'Abd a-Raheem 'Abdallah 'Atallah (30 dunams)
6. 'Issa Muhammed Shaheen (12 dunams)
7. Jamal 'Abdallah al-Khatib (20 dunams)
8. 'Issa Salih Dolah (25 dunams)
9. 'Ali Taher Dolah (22 dunams)
10.'Abd al-Kareem Nasrallah (35 dunams)
All land is planted with fruit-bearing trees (olive, fig
and grapevines).
The land will be used for a road some four kilometers long
and 200 meters wide, linking Israeli settlements in the area.
A small part of the land, 30 dunams on Jabal al-Talama, was
confiscated as a punitive "security" measure following the attack
on the settler buses two days before the Madrid conference began.
Northern Ramallah Area
The Talmon settlement lies on 2,500 dunams of land taken
in 1982 from the Palestinian villages of 'Aboud and Lubban. In April 1991,
an additional 1,500 dunams were taken over as "state land". On
a portion of this 1,500 dunams, construction is underway on a new road
which will link the Talmon settlement with the Beit Aryeh settlement. On
1 1 November, the head of the Civil Administration from the Halamesh settlement,
a Mr. Rabeela, accompanied by troops, placed markers on the road that presently
cuts through the village of Lubban and goes to various other settlements.
Mr. Rabee'a then verbally notified the village mukhtar that the road is
to be enlarged, which will entail the uprooting of hundreds of olive trees.
In addition to the 20 dunams of land expropriated from Belt
Seera and referred to above, an additional area is to be taken for a road,
six meters wide and 400 meters long, for which 20 olive trees were uprooted.
Another portion of the land was leveled in order to move the military outpost
from Belt 'Ur a-Tahta to Belt Seera. The owners affected by these measures
received no prior written notice.
Bethlehem Area
al-Khader
In the village of al-Khader, 21.5 dunams of land lying near
the Efrat settlement was taken from owner Muhammed Isma'eel 'Ayish. On
November 14, Civil Administration personnel accompanied by Israeli soldiers
uprooted all trees on the land, comprising some 40 olive trees, 35 grapevines,
eight fig trees and ten apricot trees. The land is slated for the construction
of a road for the Efrat settlement.
Bateer/Hussan - Khirbat al-Khamsa
Approximately six years ago 1,000 dunams of land were confiscated.
On November 6 work began on an additional 500 dunams of hilly terrain designated
as "state land", for the construction of a road to link the Beitar
settlement with the Beitar Elit settlement. Some of the land owners are:
jum'a Yousef 'Assaf, 'Othman al-Huroub, Muhammed 'Abdallah, 'Issa Ahmed
al-Huroub.
3. C. Expansion of existing settlements
Ramallah Area
Beit El Settlement
Approximately 40 permanent housing units have been added
to the settlement since the Madrid conference. Beit El is expanding in
the direction of the jalazon Refugee Camp, and land has recently been bulldozed
to make way for construction. The current expansion will bring the settlement
into -close proximity to the refugee camp.
Telmon "A" Settlement
This settlement was first constructed three years ago; to
date however, no settlers have moved in to occupy the housing units. Expansion
is currently in progress to increase the number of housing units.
Telmon "B" Settlement
The Telmon "B" settlement is located two kilometers
away from the Telmon "A" settlement, two kilometers west of the
Mazra'a al-Gharbia village and east of al-janieh. Currently the only visible
sights on the settlement grounds are an army camp and a construction site.
Belt Aryeh settlement
The Beit Aryeh settlement lies north of the Palestinian village
of Lubban. About one year ago 50 dunams were seized and added to the settlement;
however nothing was done with the land. On November 7, construction began
on 120 new housing units, and additional housing units are to be added.
Nablus Area
Tapuah Settlement
Approximately 200 housing units are being added to the settlement
as work is still ongoing. The settlement lies near the Palestinian villages
of Y6souf and Salfeet.
Ariel Settlement
In early November, some 300 housing units were being added
to the Ariel settlement.
Hemish Settlement
On the eve of the Madrid peace conference, October 30, 70
new caravans were added to this settlement, which lies between Burqa and
Silla. The land had recently been bulldozed without prior notification
to the owners.
Kedumim Settlements
On or about November 7, the Israeli authorities bulldozed
land while setting up new caravans around both the "A!' & "VI
Kedumim settlements. Additional land and housing units have been added
to the Kedumim 'IC" settlement without notification to the owners
of the land.
Jalout (near the Shilo settlement)
On October 30, 260 dunams of land belonging to 'Abd al-Ghani
Ahmed Ibraheem were confiscated and ten prefabricated homes were placed
on the land. On November 15, 50 dunams of land belonging to Ibraheem 'Abd
Ibraheem were confiscated; six caravans and electricity supplies have already
been set up.
Emanuel Settlement
In 1982, 400 dunams of land were seized and 1,500 olive trees
were uprooted from the villages of jeensafout and Deir Istia for the purpose
of building the Emanuel settlement. In 1985, building was halted on the
settlement. However, at the beginning of 1991, 70 housing units were added
in addition to new internal streets. At this time, construction has resumed
and additional housing units are being added.
Aliya Settlement
In order to expand the Aliya settlement east of the village
of alSawia, 245 dunams planted with fruit-bearing trees have been taken
over. In the last two weeks of November. 150 housing units were added to
the settlement in order to absorb new settlers. To date work is still in
Progress, bulldozing is taking place day and night on land adjacent to
the settlement. (Sixty dunams planted with olive, fig and almond trees,
belonging to Jameela Mustafa Shehadeh have already been fenced in.)
Parkhan Settlement
In September, 300 dunams of land were taken over from the
villages of Haris and Sarta belonging to 'Abd al-Razik Muhamined 'Abdallah,
Mahmoud 'Abdallah Tahap Muhammed 'All Qasem and Husein Hamid Husein, and
added to the Barkhan settlement. On or about November 6, bulldozers began
to clear the land for new housing units.
Revava Settlement
On November 10, 500 dunams were taken from Haris residents
including Y'acoub 'Oudeh Hassan Sultan and Hassan Daoud, and added to the
Revava settlement. Twenty additional housing units were placed on the settlement
grounds.
Ganim Settlement
Thirty dunams In the vicinity of the Ganim settlement, near
'Arrabeh, were confiscated in order to expand the settlement. The land
owners are Najeeb Ahmed Mahmoud 'Azmouti and Muhammed 'Azmouti. One hundred
and fifty olive trees were forcibly uprooted.
Tulkarem Area
Avnef Hefetz Settlement
Two days after the Madrid peace conference began, 120 dunams
of land from the village of Shoufa was bulldozed In order to expand the
Avnei Hefetz settlement. The Israeli military authorities did not notify
the owners of the orders taking over their land. Currently, the land is
still being cleared and the authorities are planning to set up caravans
on the site.
Qalqilia Area
Elkana Settlement
On the eve of the Madrid peace conference, 150 housing units
were being added to the Elkana settlement.
Bethlehem Area
Gilo Settlement
The village of Sharfat, near Beit Safafa, is the Palestinian
village closest to the settlement of Gilo. On or about November 7, 300
dunams of land were seized to expand the Gilo settlement. Bulldozers cleared
the land, and approximately 100 new housing caravans have since been added.
The land belongs to the following residents: 'Ali Muhammed Ibraheem, Salih
Hussein, 'Issa Hussein, Mahmoud Salah, Hussein Faraj.
3.D. New Settlements
On November 10, workers hired by the 'Atsiah building company
in Aviv, began working land in the Nablus area, in order to establish a
new settlement called Ginot Ariel. The residents of nearby villages came
to the site and told the workers that the land was not included in a previous
seizure order. Private security guards from the Ariel Settlement harassed
the villagers, demanding their ID cards, which the villagers refused to
hand over. Soldiers and settlers then came to the village and informed
the residents that the settlement guards represent the authorities and
as such have the power to demand anything and the residents must comply.
Shortly thereafter, the Security Company demanded the ID cards of several
residents from the village, the guards then took a number of the residents
back to the Ariel settlement, where they were held at police headquarters.
At this same time, bulldozers began clearing the ground. The land in question
Is from the villages of Broqeen, Salfeet, Haris, Kufr al-Harith and Marda.
Settlers claim that the land taken is 700 dunams; villagers estimate the
area to be 1,000 dunams, but do not have an exact figure because they were
prevented from surveying the area.
Information and documentation was gathered from field work, press reports and personal interviews conducted by the Jerusalem Media & Communication Centre, JMCC in cooperation with the Land & Water Establishment for Services and Legal Studies.